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gegen das Vergessen - not to forget
Heute ist der Tag der Vertragsverletzung des Sechs-Punkte-Abkommens vom 16.08.2008 durch Russland!

Präsident Saakashvili's Rede vor dem Europaparlament in Straßburg

23.11.2010 | Civil.ge | Link zur Quelle | Bilder | Video |

Mr. President,
Distinguished Members of the European Parliament,
Ladies and gentlemen,
I am humbled by the immense honor that your invitation signifies for my country and I would like to thank the Presidency of the Parliament and all the political groups for this opportunity.
I came here to deliver a message of hope and to make a solemn pledge.
I came here to affirm that peace-a just and lasting peace-is possible in my region, and that we need Europe to contribute to it.
For centuries, the Caucasian mountains have been a geopolitical mystery, a beguiling paradox-a region where individuals and souls were free, but where citizens were oppressed; where cultures were tolerant, but where governments created artificial divisions; where people never ceased to feel deeply Europeans, but where walls erected by Empires turned Europe into a faraway mirage, where men and women were striving for peace, but where wars seemed unavoidable.
I came here to tell you that we must put an end to these times, that cooperation must replace rivalry, that negotiation must prevail over the rhetoric of war.
Ladies and gentlemen, in all the troubled corners of our world, the European Parliament is a symbol of hope-the striking proof that even the cruelest of conflicts can be overcome and that peace is worth any political risk.
This very place would not exist if-in the middle of ruins, surrounded by death and legitimate claims for revenge-brave leaders did not choose to end centuries of wars by launching the most ambitious and fascinating political experiment of our time: European unification.
This Parliament-divided not by nationality, but into political groups-fulfils the vision so eloquently expressed by Victor Hugo at the 1849 International Congress of Peace in Paris.
Allow me to quote this visionary poet in his own language:
"Un jour viendra où vous toutes, nations du continent, sans perdre vos qualités distinctes et votre glorieuse individualité, vous vous fondrez étroitement dans une unité supérieure, et vous constituerez la fraternité européenne. Un jour viendra où il n'y aura plus d'autres champs de bataille que les marchés s'ouvrant au commerce et les esprits s'ouvrant aux idées. Un jour viendra où les boulets et les bombes seront remplacés par les votes, par le suffrage universel des peuples, par le vénérable arbitrage d'un grand Sénat Souverain qui sera à l'Europe ce que le Parlement est à l'Angleterre, ce que la Diète est à l'Allemagne, ce que l'Assemblée législative est à la France!"
Most of Hugo's contemporaries thought he was an infantile dreamer when he pronounced this speech and it took more than 100 years and 2 world wars for History to hear his voice.
Ladies and gentlemen,
It is high time for Hugo's voice to be echoed and heard in my region as well.
It is high time for this voice of brotherhood to overcome the sounds of canons and the calls for hatred.
It is high time for the European peace to be extended to the Caucasus.
And it is our responsibility, as political leaders, to conceive bold initiatives in order to make this happen.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Exactly 7 years ago, the Rose Revolution initiated the new journey towards the European family of an old European nation, my beloved Georgia.
On November 23rd 2003, hundreds of thousands of citizens-of all regional, religious, and social backgrounds-peacefully took over the streets and the Parliament.
They did more than overthrow a corrupt, backward-looking regime: they triggered what The Economist of London called some weeks ago a "mental revolution."
As some of you know it well in this Assembly, there has been two ways of getting out from communist regimes after the liberating collapse of USSR: the European one and the nationalistic one, the rule of law and the rule of fear. To sum up: Vaclav Havel or Slobodan Milosevic.
Once the tyranny of the Party was over, the divisions, the corruption, the verticality, the bureaucracy, the cynicism and the authoritarianism that were the pillars of the Soviet society remained.
7 years ago, Ladies and gentlemen, Georgia was formally an independent State but Georgia was still part of this world of fears and hatreds.
The borders of the soviet mentality were not abolished yet and Soviet Union was still existing in the minds and the souls.
Only a "mental revolution" could lead to a European transformation of our societies.
This is the message that we, Georgians, brought to this region. This is the message that unleashed so much anger towards us among the nostalgics of the Empire.
But this is the message that turned Georgia into a laboratory of reforms for our region.
When we led the Rose Revolution, we were members of student organizations, opposition parties, civil society groups-all united by a single dream: to turn a dysfunctional post-Soviet country crippled by corruption and crime into a European democracy.
Ladies and gentlemen, Soviet Union was based on one principle: divide to rule.
People were artificially opposed to each others, at every level of the society, in every field.
In every Republic, the different religious, social, ethnic groups were put in constant rivalry and politics was understood as an art of manipulation of fears and hatreds.
This explains why former communists leaders turned so easily into nationalists, in the Balkans as well as in the Caucasus, in Eastern Europe as well as in Russia.
7 years ago, Georgia was still divided into isolated communities fearing each other and some extremists were using the weakness of the State to reject minorities.
Our first task was therefore to embrace multiculturalism and differences.
We have developed an affirmative action program - in all spheres, from higher education to law enforcement bodies.
Soviet Union had another caracteristic: an absolute centralization.
7 years ago, Georgia was still all about its capital and we initiated a vast decentralization program, heavily invested in regional infrastructures and spectacularly empowered local authorities.
As a result, regions that were once abandoned became the most striking examples of our development.
Until the Rose Revolution, all key regional principles were appointed by the President. So - while others were restoring the famous "vertical of power", canceling the autonomy of all regions - we systematically transferred powers to regional elected bodies.
This policy recently lead to the first direct election of the mayor of Tbilisi last May and in the decision to move the Constitutional Court to the city of Batumi and the Parliament to the city of Kutaisi.
Soviet Union was all about control and corruption, an overweight and inefficient State.
Our first step was therefore to dissolve the KGB, fire the entire police forces, as well as customs officers and tax agents, but also to open up our economy and our educational system.
The vision that guided all these steps was captured by a single symbol: besides every Georgian flag, in every official building, we installed a European flag.
We did this to show where we were aiming to take Georgia with our reforms.
Of course, our peaceful revolution has had its share of failures and shortcomings.
Of course, we have made mistakes.
But, as the great inventor of "European cosmopolitism" and one of my favorite philosophers- Emmanuel Kant-wrote about the French revolution: "You cannot be ready to be free until you are free."
What Emmanuel Kant meant, Ladies and gentlemen, is that no book can teach you in advance how to govern or even behave in freedom. You can only learn this from your own successes and failures.
We have had failures and we have learnt from them, but we have also had surprising successes.
Georgia has just been singled out by the World Bank as the number 1 economic reformer in the world over the last 5 years, and now ranks 12th place in the world for the ease of doing business, number one in Eastern and Central Europe.
Once the epicenter of the post-Soviet mafia, Georgia has made more progress against corruption than any other country in the world from 2004 to 2009, according to Transparency International.
I value these rankings only because they reflect and reveal the social and moral transformation that happened in my country, the "mental revolution" to which I referred earlier.
Georgian citizens have stopped thinking of their country as a post-Soviet state. They see it, judge it, and often criticize it as a European democracy.
Such change goes far beyond the leaders and parties that led the Rose Revolution. It is something that nobody owns and nobody can suppress, neither us nor anybody else. Such revolution leads to this amazing fact in our part of the world, the fact that Institutions are systematically more popular than any political figure.
There is a great deal more to do, obviously, and we are more committed than ever to pursuing our path of reforms.
We are aware than democracy is always a work in progress.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Our alternative democratic model was not welcome by everyone, of course.
It met fierce opposition among those revisionist forces who still perceive the fall of the USSR as the "worst catastrophe of the 20th century."
They imposed a full-scale embargo on my nation in 2006, deported our citizens, repeatedly bombed our territory, and finally invaded in 2008.
As I speak, these forces still occupy 20% of Georgian territory, in blatant violation of international law and of the August 12th cease-fire agreement brokered thanks to the efforts of my good friend, French President Nicolas Sarkozy, who was acting then as President of the European Union.
As I speak, Georgia still counts up to 500,000 IDP's and refugees who cannot return home because some people animated by an old imperialist mentality decided to welcome the 21st century by organizing ethnic cleansing campaigns and building a new Berlin Wall in my country.
How did we respond to these aggressions?
We fully implemented the ceasefire agreement and went beyond our obligations, without even once using as a pretext Russia's refusal to comply.
Last August, the head of the European Union Monitoring Mission, Hansjörg Haber, publicly praised Georgian restraint and our engagement strategy as "constructive unilateralism".
When tanks and missiles are standing at 50 kilometers of a capital, governments usually play the card of the besieged nation, proclaim that freedom is a luxury they cannot afford and start to crackdown their opposition and close their society.
We did exactly the contrary.
We are, Ladies and gentlemen, building a democracy at a gunpoint.
In front of the Iron Curtain than the occupation forces have built around the region of Abkhazia, in the small seaside town of Anaklia, a new tourism resort is being built as we speak, with beautiful hotels and sand beaches.
Some suggest that we should stop and wait until the situation is resolved and only then start building when the ground is less shaky.
Our philosophy is the complete opposite - we are constructing buildings not because they are on a strong ground but because building them will eventually make the ground stronger.
In Anaklia, a new phase of development started in 2005 after the place had been destroyed by the conflict already twice, in 1993 and 1998.
In 2008, it once again witnessed total destruction.
And few weeks after, the constructions started again.
A great poet and a famous Russian dissident, Alexander Galich, one of these 8 heroes that demonstrated on the Red Square in 68 against the invasion of Prague, wrote about Georgia:
"Прекрасная и гордая страна! / Ты отвечаешь шуткой на злословье."
Translation: "Splendid and proud country / You respond to mud-slinging by a smile"
Mr. President,
Distinguished Members of the European Parliament,
Ladies and gentlemen,
I am humbled by the immense honor that your invitation signifies for my country and I would like to thank the Presidency of the Parliament and all the political groups for this opportunity.
I came here to deliver a message of hope and to make a solemn pledge.
I came here to affirm that peace-a just and lasting peace-is possible in my region, and that we need Europe to contribute to it.
For centuries, the Caucasian mountains have been a geopolitical mystery, a beguiling paradox-a region where individuals and souls were free, but where citizens were oppressed; where cultures were tolerant, but where governments created artificial divisions; where people never ceased to feel deeply Europeans, but where walls erected by Empires turned Europe into a faraway mirage, where men and women were striving for peace, but where wars seemed unavoidable.
I came here to tell you that we must put an end to these times, that cooperation must replace rivalry, that negotiation must prevail over the rhetoric of war.
Ladies and gentlemen, in all the troubled corners of our world, the European Parliament is a symbol of hope-the striking proof that even the cruelest of conflicts can be overcome and that peace is worth any political risk.
This very place would not exist if-in the middle of ruins, surrounded by death and legitimate claims for revenge-brave leaders did not choose to end centuries of wars by launching the most ambitious and fascinating political experiment of our time: European unification.
This Parliament-divided not by nationality, but into political groups-fulfils the vision so eloquently expressed by Victor Hugo at the 1849 International Congress of Peace in Paris.
Allow me to quote this visionary poet in his own language:
"Un jour viendra où vous toutes, nations du continent, sans perdre vos qualités distinctes et votre glorieuse individualité, vous vous fondrez étroitement dans une unité supérieure, et vous constituerez la fraternité européenne. Un jour viendra où il n'y aura plus d'autres champs de bataille que les marchés s'ouvrant au commerce et les esprits s'ouvrant aux idées. Un jour viendra où les boulets et les bombes seront remplacés par les votes, par le suffrage universel des peuples, par le vénérable arbitrage d'un grand Sénat Souverain qui sera à l'Europe ce que le Parlement est à l'Angleterre, ce que la Diète est à l'Allemagne, ce que l'Assemblée législative est à la France!"
Most of Hugo's contemporaries thought he was an infantile dreamer when he pronounced this speech and it took more than 100 years and 2 world wars for History to hear his voice.
Ladies and gentlemen,
It is high time for Hugo's voice to be echoed and heard in my region as well.
It is high time for this voice of brotherhood to overcome the sounds of canons and the calls for hatred.
It is high time for the European peace to be extended to the Caucasus.
And it is our responsibility, as political leaders, to conceive bold initiatives in order to make this happen.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Exactly 7 years ago, the Rose Revolution initiated the new journey towards the European family of an old European nation, my beloved Georgia.
On November 23rd 2003, hundreds of thousands of citizens-of all regional, religious, and social backgrounds-peacefully took over the streets and the Parliament.
They did more than overthrow a corrupt, backward-looking regime: they triggered what The Economist of London called some weeks ago a "mental revolution."
As some of you know it well in this Assembly, there has been two ways of getting out from communist regimes after the liberating collapse of USSR: the European one and the nationalistic one, the rule of law and the rule of fear. To sum up: Vaclav Havel or Slobodan Milosevic.
Once the tyranny of the Party was over, the divisions, the corruption, the verticality, the bureaucracy, the cynicism and the authoritarianism that were the pillars of the Soviet society remained.
7 years ago, Ladies and gentlemen, Georgia was formally an independent State but Georgia was still part of this world of fears and hatreds.
The borders of the soviet mentality were not abolished yet and Soviet Union was still existing in the minds and the souls.
Only a "mental revolution" could lead to a European transformation of our societies.
This is the message that we, Georgians, brought to this region. This is the message that unleashed so much anger towards us among the nostalgics of the Empire.
But this is the message that turned Georgia into a laboratory of reforms for our region.
When we led the Rose Revolution, we were members of student organizations, opposition parties, civil society groups-all united by a single dream: to turn a dysfunctional post-Soviet country crippled by corruption and crime into a European democracy.
Ladies and gentlemen, Soviet Union was based on one principle: divide to rule.
People were artificially opposed to each others, at every level of the society, in every field.
In every Republic, the different religious, social, ethnic groups were put in constant rivalry and politics was understood as an art of manipulation of fears and hatreds.
This explains why former communists leaders turned so easily into nationalists, in the Balkans as well as in the Caucasus, in Eastern Europe as well as in Russia.
7 years ago, Georgia was still divided into isolated communities fearing each other and some extremists were using the weakness of the State to reject minorities.
Our first task was therefore to embrace multiculturalism and differences.
We have developed an affirmative action program - in all spheres, from higher education to law enforcement bodies.
Soviet Union had another caracteristic: an absolute centralization.
7 years ago, Georgia was still all about its capital and we initiated a vast decentralization program, heavily invested in regional infrastructures and spectacularly empowered local authorities.
As a result, regions that were once abandoned became the most striking examples of our development.
Until the Rose Revolution, all key regional principles were appointed by the President. So - while others were restoring the famous "vertical of power", canceling the autonomy of all regions - we systematically transferred powers to regional elected bodies.
This policy recently lead to the first direct election of the mayor of Tbilisi last May and in the decision to move the Constitutional Court to the city of Batumi and the Parliament to the city of Kutaisi.
Soviet Union was all about control and corruption, an overweight and inefficient State.
Our first step was therefore to dissolve the KGB, fire the entire police forces, as well as customs officers and tax agents, but also to open up our economy and our educational system.
The vision that guided all these steps was captured by a single symbol: besides every Georgian flag, in every official building, we installed a European flag.
We did this to show where we were aiming to take Georgia with our reforms.
Of course, our peaceful revolution has had its share of failures and shortcomings.
Of course, we have made mistakes.
But, as the great inventor of "European cosmopolitism" and one of my favorite philosophers- Emmanuel Kant-wrote about the French revolution: "You cannot be ready to be free until you are free."
What Emmanuel Kant meant, Ladies and gentlemen, is that no book can teach you in advance how to govern or even behave in freedom. You can only learn this from your own successes and failures.
We have had failures and we have learnt from them, but we have also had surprising successes.
Georgia has just been singled out by the World Bank as the number 1 economic reformer in the world over the last 5 years, and now ranks 12th place in the world for the ease of doing business, number one in Eastern and Central Europe.
Once the epicenter of the post-Soviet mafia, Georgia has made more progress against corruption than any other country in the world from 2004 to 2009, according to Transparency International.
I value these rankings only because they reflect and reveal the social and moral transformation that happened in my country, the "mental revolution" to which I referred earlier.
Georgian citizens have stopped thinking of their country as a post-Soviet state. They see it, judge it, and often criticize it as a European democracy.
Such change goes far beyond the leaders and parties that led the Rose Revolution. It is something that nobody owns and nobody can suppress, neither us nor anybody else. Such revolution leads to this amazing fact in our part of the world, the fact that Institutions are systematically more popular than any political figure.
There is a great deal more to do, obviously, and we are more committed than ever to pursuing our path of reforms.
We are aware than democracy is always a work in progress.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Our alternative democratic model was not welcome by everyone, of course.
It met fierce opposition among those revisionist forces who still perceive the fall of the USSR as the "worst catastrophe of the 20th century."
They imposed a full-scale embargo on my nation in 2006, deported our citizens, repeatedly bombed our territory, and finally invaded in 2008.
As I speak, these forces still occupy 20% of Georgian territory, in blatant violation of international law and of the August 12th cease-fire agreement brokered thanks to the efforts of my good friend, French President Nicolas Sarkozy, who was acting then as President of the European Union.
As I speak, Georgia still counts up to 500,000 IDP's and refugees who cannot return home because some people animated by an old imperialist mentality decided to welcome the 21st century by organizing ethnic cleansing campaigns and building a new Berlin Wall in my country.
How did we respond to these aggressions?
We fully implemented the ceasefire agreement and went beyond our obligations, without even once using as a pretext Russia's refusal to comply.
Last August, the head of the European Union Monitoring Mission, Hansjörg Haber, publicly praised Georgian restraint and our engagement strategy as "constructive unilateralism".
When tanks and missiles are standing at 50 kilometers of a capital, governments usually play the card of the besieged nation, proclaim that freedom is a luxury they cannot afford and start to crackdown their opposition and close their society.
We did exactly the contrary.
We are, Ladies and gentlemen, building a democracy at a gunpoint.
In front of the Iron Curtain than the occupation forces have built around the region of Abkhazia, in the small seaside town of Anaklia, a new tourism resort is being built as we speak, with beautiful hotels and sand beaches.
Some suggest that we should stop and wait until the situation is resolved and only then start building when the ground is less shaky.
Our philosophy is the complete opposite - we are constructing buildings not because they are on a strong ground but because building them will eventually make the ground stronger.
In Anaklia, a new phase of development started in 2005 after the place had been destroyed by the conflict already twice, in 1993 and 1998.
In 2008, it once again witnessed total destruction.
And few weeks after, the constructions started again.
A great poet and a famous Russian dissident, Alexander Galich, one of these 8 heroes that demonstrated on the Red Square in 68 against the invasion of Prague, wrote about Georgia:
"Прекрасная и гордая страна! / Ты отвечаешь шуткой на злословье."
Translation: "Splendid and proud country / You respond to mud-slinging by a smile"
Last time I visited Anaklia I saw a row of discotheques as lively as you can see anywhere in Europe, where young people danced just like they would do in Ibiza or Saint-Tropez.
The only difference was that after the last disco on the beech there is a wall that the occupying army has erected.
Let me ask you: what is more absurd than a New Berlin Wall on a sandy beech?
Ladies and gentlemen,
In short, we understand that peace is in our supreme interest and we are convinced there is no alternative to peace.
By jeopardizing peace, we would place at risk everything we have achieved and everything we want to achieve in the coming years.
And so I came here to announce a new step in our policy of constructive unilateralism.
I am here to take an initiative that, I hope and with your help, will defuse the tensions and allow serious negotiations to start.
Before coming, I reflected a lot and also consulted with our European and American allies.
The Georgian government already considers itself bound by the August 12th ceasefire agreement and has always understood that this ceasefire clearly prohibits the use of force.
But-in order to prove that Georgia is definitively committed to a peaceful resolution of its conflict with the Russian Federation-we take today the unilateral initiative to declare that Georgia will never use force to restore its territorial integrity and sovereignty, that it will only resort to peaceful means in its quest for de-occupation and reunification.
Even if the Russian Federation refuses to withdraw its occupation forces, even if its proxy militias multiply their human rights violations, Georgia will only retain the right to self-defense in the case of new attacks and invasion of the 80% of the Georgian territory that remains under control of the Georgian government.
I will address the relevant letters to the Secretary General of the United Nations, the Secretary General of the OSCE, and the leadership of the European Union, stating clearly that we commit ourselves not to use force in order to reunite our illegally divided country, neither against the occupation forces, nor against their proxies, even though the UN Charter could allow us to do so.
My pledge here, in front of you, constitutes a unilateral declaration of a state under international law.
This initiative, Ladies and gentlemen, is far from an easy one for a country that is partially occupied and that counts 500 000 IDPs and refugees.
It continues and expands our policy of "constructive unilateralism."
I am, ladies and gentlemen, ready for a deep and comprehensive dialogue with my Russian counterpart.
We will of course continue to participate in the Geneva talks, hoping that our pledge today will persuade the Russian Federation to stop blocking these discussions.
But we need the political dialogue to start as well.
And for this to occur, the international community must make clear to the Russian leaders that the situation today is totally irregular and unsustainable.
In order to push them to discuss a compromise, its is essential to clearly state the reality of the situation on the ground.
This is why we are asking that the Russian military buildup within the international borders of Georgia be qualified as an illegal occupation of a sovereign territory. Many European nations, as well as the United States, already have done so.
Equally, the brutal campaigns that have expelled hundreds of thousands of Georgian citizens from the occupied territories should be qualified as illegal acts of ethnic cleansing.
If we fail to denounce this ethnic cleansing, why would the occupiers ever even consider allowing them to return to their homes and villages?
Ladies and gentlemen, if the first victim of war is always the truth, the truth is always the most solid foundation of peace.
Our constructive unilateralism and the pledge I have just made will not have the expected impact if our European friends do not speak out the truth-if you do not speak out the truth."
I came here today, humbly, to tell you that we depend on you.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Our region has known too many wars in recent History. It is time, to paraphrase Hugo once again, to replace canons with roundtables.
Our region has had its own Warsaw, its own Coventry, its own Oradour-Sur-Glane, and it is time to build on our common rejection of war and destruction.
It is time to say that we must never have another Grozny- a regional capital of 400 000 inhabitants that has been totally wiped out from the surface of the globe.
It is time to say that we must never see again people expelled from their homes or deported on the basis of their nationality, their faith or their origins, as it happened in my own country as well as in other countries of the region.
I am ready to work with the Russian leadership so that this does not happen ever again, so that the consequences of war are reversed and the conditions for peace are established.
Walls like the one dividing Georgia will not be brought down by bombs, but by the commitment of citizens to build a free, united country-and by the commitment of the world community to enforce international law.
It is noticeable that, despite enormous pressure and multiple threats from Moscow, not a single former Soviet republic has recognized the dismemberment of Georgia.
It shows-to the great surprise and fury of some people-that the old times are definitely over.
It shows that the former captive nations of Soviet times have become strong, independent states that determine their own policies.
No one, in short, is going back to the USSR.
Ladies and gentlemen, our region has made its choice.
A war has been launched to stop this movement, but tanks cannot reverse the sense of History and it is time for the long and dolorous hangover of imperialism to end, peacefully.
I call, therefore, on the Russian leaders to make the choice of the future.
They could play such a major positive role in the ongoing transformation of our common region, accepting other countries as partners and not vassals.
We all want-I personally want-Russia as a partner and not as an enemy.
Nobody has a greater stake than us in seeing Russia turn into a country that truly operates within the concert of nations, respects international law, and-this is often connected-upholds basic human rights.
This is why I wholeheartedly support the efforts of European and American leaders to strengthen their relationship with Russia.
Our conflict has done nothing to harden feelings between our two peoples: I want to tell the Russian people that they will always be welcome in Georgia, as partners, as tourists, as students, as businessmen, as journalists or simply as friends. Not as occupation forces.
Ladies and gentlemen,
I would like to end this speech with a quote from the President of the first Georgian Republic, Noe Zhordania.
As you might know, Georgia was the first European social-democratic republic ever proclaimed in 1918.
A few days before the Red Army invaded his Georgia, Zhordania explained our European choice:
"What do we take from the cultural bow of European nations? Only 2000 years old national culture, democratic system and natural wealth."
Today, another Georgian President addresses you, with the same message of love for the European ideas and values.
It is rare that a nation is given twice in History the same opportunity.
I came here today to tell you that we will seize this opportunity and do whatever we can to achieve our European destiny.


Stichworte: Georgien, Abchasien, Süd-Ossetien, Russland, Krieg-2008,
Sprache: englisch, Archiv: #

NATO-GIPFEL 2010 IN LISSABON

20.11.2010 | Civil.ge | Link zur Quelle | Bilder | Video |
Georgien in der NATO-Gipfelerklärung - wörtliche Auszüge - 20.11.2010, Civil Georgia
- Stabilität und erfolgreiche politische und wirtschaftliche Reformen in Georgien sind wichtig für die euro-atlantische Stabilität
- Bukarest-Entscheidung in allen Entscheidungen wiederholt: Georgien wird ein NATO-Mitglied werden
- NATO-Russland-Kooperation ist von strategischer Bedeutung
20. ...Stability and successful political and economic reform in Georgia and Ukraine are important to Euro-Atlantic security. We will continue and develop the partnerships with these countries taking into account the Euro-Atlantic aspiration or orientation of each of the countries.
21. At the 2008 Bucharest Summit we agreed that Georgia will become a member of NATO and we reaffirm all elements of that decision, as well as subsequent decisions. We will foster political dialogue and practical cooperation with Georgia, including through the NATO-Georgia Commission and the Annual National Programme. We strongly encourage and actively support Georgia’s continued implementation of all necessary reforms, particularly democratic, electoral and judicial reforms, as well as security and defence sector reforms, in order to advance its Euro-Atlantic aspirations. We welcome the recent opening of the NATO Liaison Office in Georgia which will help in maximising our assistance and support for the country’s reform efforts. We welcome Georgia’s important contributions to NATO operations, in particular to ISAF. We reiterate our continued support for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Georgia within its internationally recognised borders. We encourage all participants in the Geneva talks to play a constructive role as well as to continue working closely with the OSCE, UN and the EU to pursue peaceful conflict resolution in the internationally-recognised territory of Georgia. We continue to call on Russia to reverse its recognition of the South Ossetia and Abkhazia regions of Georgia as independent states...
23. ...NATO-Russia cooperation is of strategic importance, as reflected by today’s meeting of the NATO-Russia Council (NRC) at the level of Heads of State and Government in Lisbon. In light of common security interests, we are determined to build a lasting and inclusive peace, together with Russia, in the Euro-Atlantic Area. We need to share responsibility in facing up to common challenges, jointly identified. We want to see a true strategic partnership between NATO and Russia, and we will act accordingly, with the expectation of reciprocity from Russia. We recommit ourselves to the goals, principles and commitments which underpin the NRC. On this firm basis, we urge Russia to meet its commitments with respect to Georgia, as mediated by the European Union on 12 August and 8 September 2008. Over the past year, NATO-Russia cooperation has progressed and produced notable results. We welcome, in particular, the completion of the Joint Review of 21st Century Common Security Challenges, which has identified practical cooperation projects on Afghanistan, including counter-narcotics; non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery; counter-piracy; counter-terrorism; and disaster response. We also welcome the new extended arrangements offered by Russia to facilitate ISAF transit to and from Afghanistan. We are actively pursuing cooperation with Russia on missile defence, including through the resumption of theatre missile defence exercises. We will also want to discuss in the NRC a range of other topics, including Afghanistan; implementing OSCE principles; military deployments, including any that could be perceived as threatening; information sharing and transparency on military doctrine and posture, as well as the overall disparity in short-range nuclear weapons; arms control; and other security issues. We look forward to discussing all these matters in the NRC, which is a forum for political dialogue at all times and on all issues, including where we disagree. Our dialogue and cooperation with Russia also help us to resolve differences by building trust, mutual confidence, transparency, predictability and mutual understanding...
35. ... With our vision of a Euro-Atlantic area at peace, the persistence of protracted regional conflicts in South Caucasus and the Republic of Moldova continues to be a matter of great concern for the Alliance. We urge all parties to engage constructively and with reinforced political will in peaceful conflict resolution, and to respect the current negotiation formats. We call on them all to avoid steps that undermine regional security and stability. We remain committed in our support of the territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and the Republic of Moldova, and will also continue to support efforts towards a peaceful settlement of these regional conflicts, taking into account these principles.
Russ. Präsident Medvedev: Georgien 'wahrscheinlich schwerwiegendste' Unstimmigkeit mit NATO - 20.11.2010, Civil Georgia
Russian President, Dmitry Medvedev, said that at Lisbon summit NATO and Moscow made “a significant step forward” towards boosting cooperation, but also said that differences, including on Georgia, remain.
“One of the most serious differences probably is about our assessment of 2008 events – attitude towards what has happened in August, 2008, towards those geopolitical changes, which occurred at that time; in particular emergence of two new states – South Ossetia and Abkhazia. But we [Russia and NATO] have noted that this issue should not become a stumbling stone,” Medvedev said while speaking at a news conference after NATO-Russia Council meeting in Lisbon on November 20.
“We have agreed that [differences] should not disrupt our relations,” he said. “On the contrary, we should work on finding ways out of these difficult situations. We should work on hearing each others’ arguments.”
Medvedev said that in overall the Lisbon summit was “a significant step forward towards strengthening our relations” and for that reason, he added, this summit was “a historic event.”
Georgien in der Abschlusserklärung des NATO-Gipfels in Lissabon - 20.11.2010, Civil Georgia
... Wie die Erklärung nach dem Strasbourg/Kehl-Gipfel ruft die jüngste Erklärung Russland auf, "seine Anerkennung von der Südossetien- und Abchasien-Region von Georgien als unabhängige Staaten rückgängig zu machen". ...
Like NATO’s new strategic concept, in respect of Georgia, the final declaration of Lisbon summit reiterates the decision taken by NATO leaders at 2008 Bucharest summit, that Georgia will become a member of the Alliance.
It also reaffirms subsequent decisions taken by the Alliance in respect of Georgia, which among others also includes the one of 2009 Strasbourg/Kehl summit in which NATO leaders said that Georgia’s Annual National Programme, setting reforms targets, will help Georgia in advancing its reforms “without prejudice to further decisions which must be taken about MAP” – Membership Action Plan, a precursor to an eventual membership to which Georgia was refused at 2008 Bucharest summit.
Like the 2009 Strasbourg/Kehl declaration, the recent one again calls on Russia “to reverse its recognition of the South Ossetia and Abkhazia regions of Georgia as independent states.”
While noting that NATO wants to see “a true strategic partnership” with Russia, the Lisbon summit declaration reiterates support to Georgia’s territorial integrity and calls on Moscow “to meet its commitments with respect to Georgia” undertaken under the August 12, 2008 six-point ceasefire agreement and follow up treaty of September 8, 2008.
It says that “protracted regional conflicts” in South Caucasus and in Moldova “continues to be a matter of great concern for the Alliance.”
“We strongly encourage and actively support Georgia’s continued implementation of all necessary reforms, particularly democratic, electoral and judicial reforms, as well as security and defence sector reforms, in order to advance its Euro-Atlantic aspirations,” the declaration reads.
NATO-Generalsekretär Rasmussen sagt, eine verbesserte NATO-Russland-Beziehung werde in veritabler Weise dazu beitragen, eine Lösung im Konflikt Georgien-Russland zu finden - 20.11.2010, Civil Georgia
NATO Secretary General, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, who announced about launch of “fundamentally new relations” between NATO and Russia, said improved ties between the Alliance and Moscow would also help to resolve conflict between Russia and Georgia.
Speaking at a news conference after a meeting between NATO leaders and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev in Lisbon, Rasmussen said that the Alliance and Russia “agreed in writing that while we face main security challenges we pose no threat to each other.”
"For the first time the two sides will be cooperating to defend themselves," Rasmussen said.
Asked how “fundamentally new relations” between Russia and NATO might effect conflict between Moscow and Tbilisi, Rasmussen responded: “I hope to see a resolution to that very unfortunate conflict and I can assure that within the framework, we have created for consultations with Russia, we will continue to discuss the Georgia issue.”
“The NATO position remains the same; we insist on full respect of Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity; we will continue to pursue a non-recognition policy as regards Abkhazia and South Ossetia.”
"Generally speaking, I do believe, that an improved relationship between NATO and Russia will also contribute in a valuable way to find the solutions to the conflict between Russia and Georgia," Rasmussen said.
Präsident Saakashvili über 'fruchtbarste diplomatische Woche' - 20.11.2010, Civil Georgia
President Saakashvili said this week was the most “fruitful” in terms of diplomatic successes for Georgia under his presidency.
Speaking to a group of Georgian journalists in Lisbon on sideline of NATO summit after meeting with President Obama, Saakashvili said that NATO Parliamentary Assembly’s resolution, his trip to Brussels to meet with EU leadership and talks with his U.S. counterpart, as well as his upcoming speech before the European Parliament on November 23 was marking failure of Russia’s attempts “to cast away and sideline” Georgia on the international arena.
“I am on this post [of the President] for many years already, but I do not remember having - and we have not had – such a fruitful international week. It means that all the attempts – and lots of money have been invested in those attempts - to somehow weaken… and to cast away and sideline Georgia [have foiled] and on the contrary, those attempts boomeranged against perpetrators of those attempts,” Saakashvili said.
“This indicates on the fact that in every type of relations the truth will always prevail and good will always defeat evil. We need patience.”
“In the 21st century, nobody will last long as an occupying force on a territory of the European country. This status of an occupier has been established and support to Georgia has been strengthened. What we need now is patience, unity – and I think that our people have this unity today – and we need hard work to make Georgia stronger,” he said.
Saakashvili said that the NATO Parliamentary Assembly resolution, which mentions “occupation” and “ethnic cleansing”, was not “a minor event” and it was a result of “a huge diplomatic struggle.”
He also said that he was the only President of non-EU member state to be honored with an opportunity to address the European Parliament twice. He first addressed MEPs in November, 2006.
"It happens not because there is a special attention personally to me, but because of support of Europe and rest of the world towards Georgia," he said.
Präsident Saakashvili 'zufrieden' mit den Gesprächen mit Obama - 20.11.2010, Civil Georgia
Schon die Tatsache, dass Präsident Obama nur wenige Treffen neben dem NATO-Gipfel einplante und dabei Georgien berücksichtigte, war eine wichtige Botschaft.
President Saakashvili said the fact that President Obama’s scheduled of few bilateral meetings on sidelines of NATO Lisbon summit also included talks with his Georgian counterpart was in itself “an important message”.
“I am very satisfied with this meeting,” Saakashvili told a group of Georgian journalists in Lisbon after meeting with President Obama late on November 19 evening. “As you know this was President Obama’s only meeting here at NATO summit, apart his meetings with [Afghan] President Karzai and with the hosts [referring to Portuguese leaders] – and you know that Afghanistan tops the agenda of this summit; actually he had no other meetings here except of these ones. Of course this is already in itself an important message.”
“During the meeting the President [Obama] made an extremely supportive statements about reforms in Georgia; he assessed highly democratic and economic reforms carried out in Georgia; he demonstrated good knowledge of details of the situation [in Georgia]; not only he reiterated support to Georgia’s territorial integrity, but [also demonstrated] that they [the U.S. authorities] are working on this issue and of course [Obama expressed] support towards the path, which will lead us to the NATO membership,” Saakashvili said.
'Georgien bleibt in Afghanistan bis die Mission vollendet ist' - 19.11.2010, Civil Georgia
President Saakashvili said on November 19 that Georgia would remain committed to the Afghan mission until it's accomplished.
Saakashvili made the remarks at a meeting with Canadian Prime Minister, Stephen Harper, on a sideline of NATO summit in Lisbon.
“You know we are second biggest per capita contributors to Afghanistan in terms of numbers of troops. We have no caveats and we are fighting alongside the Americans, Canadians, with British and we are willing to stay there until the mission is accomplished,” he said.
Georgia has 950 troops in Afghanistan; five Georgian soldiers were killed in combat in two separate incidents in early and late September.
Saakashvili also said at the meeting with the Canadian PM: “We love Canada in Georgia, not only in Georgia, but in the whole region, and not only because it’s a great country but it has been paying great attention to our region. It has been outspoken in defence of values and it’s a great ally in Afghanistan."
Georgian State Minister for Euro-Atlantic Integration Issues, Giorgi Baramidze, said that Canada "is an active supporter to Georgia's NATO integration." "These relations are very important for us," he said.
Meanwhile, Georgian First Deputy Foreign Minister, Giga Bokeria, said on November 19, that Georgia was expecting that NATO summit in Lisbon would give a "firm" recommitment to its decision at the Bucharest summit in 2008 to eventual Georgian membership.
“We hope and we have a ground to hope that at this summit a very clear message will be made about future of Georgia’s NATO membership – that is a very firm reiteration of the NATO Bucharest summit decision; as you know there have been speculations on this issue and it is important to remove all the question marks about it,” Bokeria said.


Stichworte: Georgien, Abchasien, Süd-Ossetien, Russland, Krieg-2008, Sprache: deutsch, englisch, Archiv: #

TV-Interview von Innenminister Merabishvili: zu russischen Militärs an südossetischer Verwaltungsgrenze und Agententätigkeit gegen Georgien ...

14.11.2010 | Civil.ge | Link zur Quelle | Bilder | Video |

'Nichts ist ausgeschlossen, aber ich träume nicht von irgendeiner Position'
Das Interview mit Imedi TV war eines der seltenen, welches der Innenminister den georgischen Medien gegeben hat. Er gilt als die einflußreichste Person in Präsident Saakashvili's Regierung:
* 'War can't be lost against corrupt country';
* 'Doors open for North Caucasian friends';
* 'No Intention to Irritate Russia';
* Computer game 'Police'
Georgian Interior Minister, Vano Merabishvili, said he was not yet thinking about what his political career might be under the new constitutional system, when PM becomes key figure in the country.
In an interview with the Georgian television station, Imedi, Merabishvili said: "Nothing is ruled out, but I am not dreaming about taking any post."
"I am not thinking about which ministry or direction might be interesting for me; my everyday work does not leave me enough time to think about it... I do not deem it appropriate to think about it now; two years in Georgia is a long period... Things change so fast, developments are so dynamic... and it is impossible to make predictions for two years ahead", he said.
Then the interviewer narrowed down the question - although not further enough to directly ask if he was eying prime ministerial post - and asked if he was "thinking about elections" in 2012.
"No, I do not think about the elections," Merabishvili responded.
Georgia will have new constitutional system starting from late 2013, wherein most of the presidential powers will be transfered to Prime Minister; at the time Prime Minister will be elected by the Parliament, elected in the 2012 elections. Although there are widespread speculation in Georgia that President Saakashvili, whose second and final term in office will expire in late 2013, himself is eying for the prime ministerial post, some have also suggested that Vano Merabishvili might be aiming at the post.
The interview with Imedi TV, which was recorded few days ago and aired on November 13, was the rare one given to the Georgian media by the Interior Minister, regarded to be the most influential figure in President Saakashvili's administration. Opponents say Merabishvili's influence goes far beyond his professional duties as head of the ministry, which in itself is a powerful agency also incorporating security services.
In the interview Merabishvili, on the one hand, tried to downplay widespread notion that he exerts powers on decisions beyond his official competences, but on the other hand, he also said: "Decisions, which may not involve the Interior Ministry, are rare."
Imedi TV's 85-minute long program about Merabishvili incorporated a recorded sit-down interview with him, preceded by journalist's conversation with him in the minister's office and at various locations, including a construction site of one of the police stations in Tbilisi, which like other newly built police stations and like the Interior Ministry's headquarters itself is a glass building demonstrating, as Merabishvili says, transparency of the Georgian police.
'War Can't Be Lost Against Corrupt Country'
One of the locations where the journalist accompanied Merabishvili was at the breakaway South Ossetia's administrative border, close to Akhalgori from where Russian military barracks are seen on the other side of the dividing line.
"That's the base where subversive actions, political and economic destabilization and banditry is being planned against Georgia," Merabishvili said looking in direction of the Russian troops' barracks. "Of course efficiency of thier [efforts] is not very high, because of active work of our police and counter-intelligence - thier major problem, however, is corruption and lack of interest of thier [Russia's] officers to defend Russia's interests; but we still need to work hard to foil plans of, although ineffective but numerous, aggressors and our adversaries."
"It is impossible for the country, where there is freedom and where the police is loved by the people, to lose the war against the force, where there is corruption, no human rights, no free economy... and from where soldiers are fleeing to sought asylum on our side," the Interior Minister said.
'Opened Door for North Caucasian Friends'
Georgia's decision to impose 90-day visa-free travel rules for Russian citizens residing in the North Caucasus has not created any threat to Georgia, Merabishvili said.
"This is a door, opened to Georgia's friends. We have enough resources to foil any attempt of aggression against Georgia. Moreover, this gate [referring to possibility to cross Zemo Larsi-Kazbegi border crossing point without visa] allows us to gather more information and to carry out more surveillance on our adversary; hence, allowing us to prevent thier subversive or other acts [against Georgia]," he said.
'No Intention to Irritate Russia'
Asked whether the Interior Ministry's decision to withhold till November 5 release of first official information about the capture of alleged Russian spies was related to the fact that the Russian military intelligence marks its professional day on that date, Merabishvili responded, that it was also a factor, but not the main reason.
He said it took some time before preparing all the materials in order to provide "good" media coverage of the case. Rustavi 2 television station aired a documentary about the case late on November 5.
Merabishvili said, that major reason behind providing high publicity to the exposure of the spy network was to warn and discourage those Georgian citizens, who still keep links with the Russian intelligence.
"Our goal was not to irritate Russia; vector [of this move] was not at all directed towards Russia," he said.
Computer Game 'Police'
Merabishvili also said that a team of software engineers and programmers, contracted by the Interior Ministry, was developing the first ever Georgian computer game, "Police", in which players will take part in virtual hunt down of criminals and Russian spies. The game will also be available in English for worldwide audience, the Interior Minister said.
He also said that although himself a computer savvy, he did not have a Facebook account and several accounts existing under his name on the social networking site did not belonged to him.


Stichworte: Georgien, Abchasien, Süd-Ossetien, Innenpolitik, Russland, Krieg-2008, Sprache: deutsch, Archiv: #