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gegen das Vergessen - not to forget
Heute ist der Tag der Vertragsverletzung des Sechs-Punkte-Abkommens vom 16.08.2008 durch Russland!
Posts für Suchanfrage Ukraine werden nach Relevanz sortiert angezeigt. Nach Datum sortieren Alle Posts anzeigen
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Strasbourg / Kehl Summit Declaration 2009

Press Release: (2009) 044

Issued by the Heads of State and Government participating in the meeting of the North Atlantic Council in Strasbourg / Kehl on 4 April 2009

1. We, the Heads of State and Government of the member countries of the North Atlantic Alliance, have gathered in Strasbourg and Kehl to celebrate the 60th anniversary of NATO. We have adopted a Declaration on Alliance Security which reaffirms the basic values, principles and purposes of our Alliance. We have launched the process to develop a new Strategic Concept which will define NATO’s longer-term role in the new security environment of the 21st century. ...

7. Today we renew our commitment to a common approach to address the challenges to peace and security in the Euro-Atlantic area. We underscore that the existing structures – NATO, the European Union (EU), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the Council of Europe – based on common values, continue to provide every opportunity for countries to engage substantively on Euro-Atlantic security with a broad acquis, established over decades, that includes respect for human rights; territorial integrity; the sovereignty of all states, including their right to decide their own security arrangements; and the requirement to fulfil international commitments and agreements.

29. Stability and successful political and economic reform in Ukraine and Georgia are important to Euro-Atlantic security. At Bucharest we agreed that Ukraine and Georgia will become members of NATO and we reaffirm all elements of that decision as well as the decisions taken by our Ministers of Foreign Affairs last December. We are maximising our advice, assistance and support for their reform efforts in the framework of the NATO-Ukraine Commission and NATO-Georgia Commission, which play a central role in supervising the process set in hand at the Bucharest Summit. We welcome in particular the planned reinforcement of NATO’s Information and Liaison Offices in Kyiv and Tbilisi. Without prejudice to further decisions which must be taken about MAP, the development of Annual National Programmes will help Georgia and Ukraine in advancing their reforms. The annual review of these programmes will allow us to continue to closely monitor Georgia and Ukraine’s progress on reforms related to their aspirations for NATO membership. We also welcome the valuable contributions made by both countries to NATO’s operations. ...

31. The NATO-Georgia relationship has deepened substantially in the past year. We remain committed to fostering political dialogue with, as well as providing assistance to, Georgia. We strongly encourage Georgia to continue implementing all necessary reforms, particularly democratic, electoral, and judicial reforms, in order to achieve its Euro-Atlantic aspirations. We reiterate our continued support for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Georgia within its internationally recognised borders.

32. We encourage all participants in the Geneva talks to play a constructive role as well as to continue working closely with the OSCE, UN and the EU to pursue peaceful conflict resolution on Georgia’s territory. We welcome as a positive step the agreement reached in the framework of the Geneva talks on joint incident prevention and response mechanisms and we urge all the participants involved to engage in their rapid implementation. We note the renewal of the mandate for the UN Observer Mission in Georgia (UNOMIG) and the roll-over of the mandate for the OSCE Military Monitors. We call for a new mandate for the OSCE Mission to Georgia as well as for unimpeded access for UN, EU, and OSCE observers throughout all of Georgia, including the regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. We are concerned by the continued tensions and violence along the administrative boundary lines and call on all parties to demonstrate restraint.

33. The NATO-Russia partnership was conceived as a strategic element in fostering security in the Euro-Atlantic area, and we remain committed to it. Dialogue and cooperation between NATO and Russia are important for our joint ability to meet effectively common security threats and challenges. We reaffirm the importance of upholding the common values and all the principles enshrined in the 1997 NATO-Russia Founding Act and the 2002 Rome Declaration by all members of the NATO-Russia Council. Our relations with Russia depend on trust and the fulfilment of commitments. Since our last Summit, dialogue and cooperation with Russia have suffered from profound disagreements on a number of issues. The Alliance will continue to assess developments in relations with Russia.

34. We urge Russia to meet its commitments with respect to Georgia, as mediated by the European Union on 12 August² and 8 September 2008. In this context, we view Russia’s withdrawal from the areas it has committed to leave as essential. We have welcomed steps taken to implement those commitments, but the withdrawal is still incomplete. The Alliance has condemned Russia’s recognition of the South Ossetia and Abkhazia regions of Georgia as independent states, and continues to call on Russia to reverse its recognition which contravenes the founding values and principles of the NATO-Russia Council, the OSCE principles on which the security of Europe is based, and the United Nations Security Council resolutions regarding Georgia’s territorial integrity, which Russia endorsed. In addition, the build-up of Russia’s military presence in the Georgian regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia without the consent of the Government of Georgia is of particular concern.

35. Despite our current disagreements, Russia is of particular importance to us as a partner and neighbour. NATO and Russia share common security interests, such as the stabilisation of Afghanistan; arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation of WMD, including their means of delivery; crisis management; counter-terrorism; counter-narcotics; and anti-piracy. Following through with the decisions taken by the Foreign Ministers at their meetings in December 2008 and March 2009, we look forward to the reconvening of formal NATO-Russia Council meetings, including at Ministerial level, as soon as possible before summer 2009. We are committed to using the NATO-Russia Council as a forum for political dialogue on all issues – where we agree and disagree – with a view towards resolving problems, addressing concerns and building practical cooperation. We are convinced that the NATO-Russia Council has not exploited its full potential. We therefore stand ready, in the NATO-Russia Council, to assess possibilities for making it a more efficient and valuable instrument for our political dialogue and practical cooperation. ...

41. The Black Sea region continues to be important for Euro-Atlantic security. We welcome the progress in consolidation of regional cooperation and ownership, through effective use of existing initiatives and mechanisms, and based on transparency, complementarity and inclusiveness. We will continue to support, as appropriate, efforts based on regional priorities and dialogue among the Black Sea states and with the Alliance. ...

58. We remain concerned with the persistence of protracted regional conflicts in the South Caucasus and the Republic of Moldova. It is essential for all parties in these regions to engage constructively in peaceful conflict resolution. We call on them all to avoid steps that undermine regional security and stability, and to respect the current negotiation formats. We continue to support the territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and the Republic of Moldova, and will also continue to support efforts towards a peaceful settlement of these regional conflicts, taking into account these principles. We welcome OSCE efforts and processes in these regions, to which the Caucasus Stability and Cooperation Platform could be a useful complement.

59. The Alliance will continue to consult on the most immediate risks in the field of energy security. In Bucharest we agreed principles which govern NATO’s approach in the field of energy security, and options and recommendations for further activities. The Alliance has continued to implement these recommendations. Today we have noted a “Report on Progress Achieved in the Area of Energy Security”. The disruption of the flow of natural gas in January 2009 seriously affected a number of Allies and Partner countries. The issues of a stable and reliable energy supply, diversification of routes, suppliers and energy sources, and the interconnectivity of energy networks, remain of critical importance. Today we have declared our continuing support for efforts aimed at promoting energy infrastructure security. In accordance with the Bucharest decisions, we will continue to ensure that NATO’s endeavours add value and are fully coordinated and embedded within those of the international community, which features a number of organisations that are specialised in energy security. We task the Council in Permanent Session to prepare an interim report for the Foreign Ministers’ meeting in December 2009 and a further report on the progress achieved in the area of energy security for our consideration at our next Summit. ...

Stichworte: Georgien, Russland, NATO, Sprache: englisch, Archiv: #

Russland und USA-Verbale Abrüstung

01.04.2009 | Tagesspiegel | Link zur Quelle | Bilder | Video |
Europa hofft auf einen Neuanfang zwischen Washington und Moskau – doch die Probleme bleiben. Kanzlerin Angela Merkel geht derweil auf Russland zu.
Mit einem Knopfdruck wollte Hillary Clinton den Neuanfang im Verhältnis zu Russland einleiten: Als die US-Außenministerin ihren russischen Kollegen Sergej Lawrow kürzlich zum ersten Mal traf, hatte sie einen roten Knopf aus Plastik mit der Aufschrift „Reset“ dabei, den beide dann gemeinsam drückten. Der einzige Schönheitsfehler der Inszenierung: Leider stand auf dem Knopf auf Russisch nicht „Reset“, sondern „Überlastung“ - ein Zeichen dafür, dass es zum gegenseitigen Verständnis noch ein weiter Weg ist.
...
Russlandexperten warnen nun davor, das Treffen von Obama und Medwedew überzubewerten: „Die strukturellen Probleme sind nach wie vor da“, betont Hans-Henning Schröder, Forschungsgruppenleiter bei der Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik. Jetzt gebe es aber die Chance, die Probleme im Gespräch zu lösen. Schließlich beharrt die neue US-Regierung nicht unbedingt auf der Raketenabwehr und forciert auch die Einbindung der Ukraine und Georgiens in die Nato nicht mehr. „Die USA haben einen großen Schritt auf Russland zu gemacht“, sagt Schröder. „Der Rest muss verhandelt werden.“
...
Der Krieg in Georgien und der Gasstreit zwischen Moskau und Kiew hatten das Verhältnis stark belastet. Merkel gab sich am Dienstag betont pragmatisch: Die deutsch-russischen Beziehungen seien „bei allen Problemen darauf gerichtet, dass wir diese Probleme lösen“.
Einer der Streitpunkte kam umgehend zur Sprache: Moskau ist verstimmt darüber, dass sich die EU mit der Ukraine auf eine Modernisierung des ukrainischen Gaspipelinenetzes verständigt hat. Es sei „unmöglich“, dass Russland nicht beteiligt worden sei, kritisierte Medwedew. Der Ukraine drohte er gar mit finanziellen Konsequenzen. Die Kanzlerin bot ihm nun an, mit der EU-Kommission zu reden, damit Russland einbezogen werden kann. Zugleich erinnerte sie aber daran, dass die Ukraine ein souveräner Staat sei. Moskau sieht das Land als Teil seiner Einflusssphäre; der russische Konzern Gasprom strebt die Kontrolle über das ukrainische Pipelinenetz an.
... Besuch in Berlin: Medwedew für eine neue Sicherheitsarchitektur in Europa – ein Vorschlag, der als Gegenkonzept zu Nato und OSZE verstanden wurde und deshalb kaum Chancen auf Zustimmung hat. Die Kanzlerin schlug Russland am Dienstag einen „ständigen Dialog“ mit der EU im Rahmen der europäischen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik vor. Dies könne den Nato-Russland-Rat ergänzen. Merkel kündigte an, auch dies mit den Partnern in Europa zu besprechen.
Stichworte: Georgien, USA, Russland, Obama, Sprache: deutsch, Archiv: #

Seven Questions: Russia’s Big Mistake

30.08.2008 | Foreign Policy | Link zur Quelle | Bilder | Video |
Think Russia is the big winner in Georgia? Think again: Regional expert and CIA veteran Paul A. Goble explains how Moscow has shot itself in the foot by recognizing South Ossetia and Abkhazia and why Russia’s nouveau riche might be the ones who pull the Kremlin back from the brink.
Foreign Policy: There’s still a lot of debate about just who started the war in Georgia. Russia, of course, claims that Georgia started it, and Georgia says it was provoked by shelling from South Ossetia. Many others see Georgia falling into a long-planned Russian trap. What’s your view? What do you think provoked this war?

Paul Goble: Well, there are two different questions: what provoked this war and what caused it. After the NATO summit in Bucharest, when the United States indicated it would press for Georgia to be included in NATO, the Russian government, as Mr. Putin indicated at the time, was sufficiently angry that Moscow began planning to be able to use force at some point. I believe that [Georgian President Mikheil] Saakashvili gave Moscow the occasion for the use of such force. Had Saakashvili not moved in the way that he did, it would have been far more difficult for Moscow to present itself as acting within the limits of its [peacekeeping] mandate.

However, once the Russian government moved beyond the borders of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and once it moved into parts of Georgia that had never been in dispute, this was an act of Russian aggression, even if the trigger was an unfortunate miscalculation by Tbilisi.

FP: Russian President Dmitry Medvedev writes in Wednesday’s Financial Times that he chose to recognize the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia because “some nations find it impossible to live under the tutelage of another” and because he couldn’t “tell the Abkhazians and South Ossetians… that what was good for the Kosovo Albanians was not good for them.” What do you make of his argument?

PG: Moscow’s effort to blame the West and blame NATO action in recognizing Kosovo doesn’t cut as much ice as I think Moscow expected, but the Russian government continues to make it. It’s significant that the Serbians are very, very unhappy, because in Georgia Russia is doing exactly what it denounced in Kosovo.

Medvedev’s comment can be played elsewhere as well. The country in Eurasia that has the most people who would like to be independent is not Georgia—it is the Russian Federation. In the words of one Chechen I saw quoted the other day, “Are we any worse than the Abkhazians?” So, Medvedev has unsheathed a sword that has two edges.
Click Here!

FP: Medvedev also writes, “In international relations, you cannot have one rule for some and another rule for others.”

PG: Well, he’s just done that, hasn’t he? He said there’s one rule for Abkhazians and there’s another rule for Chechens. I have yet to see a convincing argument on how those two crises are in principle different.

The Russian government is basically saying, “If you’re friends with us, we’ll support territorial integrity; if you’re not friends with us, we will support self-determination for minorities.” That is a pretty heavy-handed approach, and it’s one that at, least so far, isn’t getting much positive support around the world. Indeed, in the first 24 hours, the only political leadership in the world that has supported Russia is Hamas, and that’s hardly much of a recommendation.

FP: So, what’s the difference between Kosovo and Abkhazia and South Ossetia?

PG: I’m not an expert on Yugoslavia, but what I see is the following. The first difference is that Kosovo did not become a client state of someone else. It did not get absorbed by Albania, as Serbs and Russians said would happen at the time. With all due respect, the governments in South Ossetia and to a lesser extent Abkhazia are clearly client states. The South Ossetian government says whatever Moscow wants to be said, and you don’t have that in Kosovo.

The second difference is that nobody went in and said, “We have international peacekeeping responsibilities, and now we’re going to put our forces in so we can recognize this place.” That’s in effect what the Russians did.

FP: But if the South Ossetians and the Abkhazians don’t want to be part of Georgia, why should the West support President Saakashvili’s position? Why is it a good idea to support Georgia’s “territorial integrity”?

PG: Since 1932—since the Stimson Doctrine was articulated when the Japanese seized Manchuria and transformed it into “Manchukuo” as a client state—it has been (largely) consistent American policy that the United States does not recognize territorial change achieved by an act of aggression. So, the issue is not, as the Russians have put it, between simple territory integrity or the right of nations to self-determination. It is whether the United States and Western governments will accept border changes brought about by the use of force. And that’s what has happened in this instance.
FP: What about Azerbaijan, which has the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave? Should Azerbaijan worry about being next on Moscow’s hit list?

PG: Russian policy in this region is vastly more variegated than we assume. What Russia will do to promote its interests in Ukraine or Azerbaijan or Georgia are three different things.

For one thing, the Azerbaijanis have a lot more money than the Georgians do, and they’ve invested more in their military. Azerbaijan is far more concerned about being able to ship its oil across Georgian territory through the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline than almost anything else. Earlier in the week when that pipeline was not working, Azerbaijan was sending oil through Russia to Novorossiisk, which of course gave Russia a hold, and it was also sending oil south across Iran, an action I suspect a large number of American officials would have problems with.

What Moscow may do either in eastern Ukraine or especially in Crimea is very different than what it has done in Georgia—not only because Ukraine is a lot bigger. It’s really only the Americans who seem to think that all these countries are somehow branch offices. Russia has a very, very good set of experts who understand just how different these places are.

Now, the domestic reaction in Russia hasn’t gotten a lot of attention, but you’ve got people speaking out. You’ve had demonstrations against the war. You’ve got soldiers’ mothers’ committees going to court because the Russian Defense Ministry lied and said that there would be no draftees used in combat, which they were. Boris Nemtsov, the opposition leader, reportedly wrote on his blog that if Moscow continues on the path it is now, “Russia and Russians will suffer even more.”

FP: But this is a minority viewpoint, right?

PG: I’m not suggesting that if a vote were taken tomorrow, Russians would vote down what Putin and Medvedev have done. But it’s wrong to assume that every Russian thinks this was the greatest act of statecraft in the history of the world. There are a lot of people who don’t, and while I don’t think they set the weather, to ignore the role they play is a mistake.

I believe that one of the reasons the fighting stopped was not because there weren’t people in the defense ministry who thought it should go on for a bit longer, but because in the first two working days of the war, there was a total of some $8 billion net capital outflow from Russia. You’re talking about serious consequences for wealthy Russians, and they matter a whole lot more than the soldiers’ mothers’ committees or Boris Nemtsov or Garry Kasparov.
Click Here!

Because of this war, Russians are no longer going to be as welcome in foreign countries. We’re probably going to see the spread of what is an unfortunate thing: In Germany and France, Europeans are now choosing to go on trips to resorts that the tour operators promise are “Russian free.” In human terms, that’s ugly, but in collective terms that’s a source of enormous pressure.

Polls tell us that for many Russians, the single most important right they acquired after 1991 was the right to travel. If getting a visa becomes more difficult, Russians are going to have a harder time moving about. It’s going to be harder to get their children into elite international schools. There’s going to be less money around. So, there’s probably a constituency, and a pretty large one among an influential group of people, who are going to go to the Russian government and say, “You’re hitting us where it matters most: in our pocketbooks.” And that’s a source of influence that should not be discounted at all.

Paul A. Goble is a long-time specialist, at the Central Intelligence Agency and elsewhere, on the non-Russian peoples of Eurasia. Currently director of research and publications at the Azerbaijan Diplomatic Academy, he blogs at WindowonEurasia and for the New York Times.
Stichworte: Georgien, Abchasien, Süd-Ossetien, Russland, Sprache: englisch, Archiv: #

Appeal to the members of NATO - “NATO-membership for Georgia”

- NATO 60th Anniversary -

Appeal to the members of NATO - “NATO-membership for Georgia”

by the Georgian Diaspora community, 03.04.2009

NATO 60th Anniversary - Appeal to the members of NATO - NATO-membership for Georgia - englischer Aufruf 03.04.2009 als PDF-Datei - english appeal as PDF-file

The members of the Georgian Diaspora in Europe and the USA send their sincerest congratulations on the occasion of the 60th Anniversary of the Alliance and express all the best wishes for a peaceful future.

Georgian people, even if they live far from their homeland, have strong feelings and emotions about the fate of their beloved and coveted Georgia. Perhaps because of the distance they are worrying even more on what happens there.

And Georgian people have reasons to worry. For 3000 years, conquerors from every direction have coveted this wonderful land. The small Georgian states had to defend their independence against grand peoples like the Greeks, Romans, Persians, Arabs, Seljuks, Turks, Mongolians, Russians, and these peoples came again and again.

Now we appeal to give the independent and democratic states Georgia and Ukraine as quick as possible the MAP or even full NATO membership.

We appeal to continue to support the Georgian government and nation on the way to NATO. A repeat of 1921 – when Soviet Russia attacked and conquered the first democratic Georgian republic, because Georgia was abandoned by democratic Western states – must not happen again.

We strongly believe that NATO must integrate Georgia and Ukraine, because they belong to a complete European NATO community. Both have European Christian traditions and modern democratic state structures. By plebiscite in Georgia 77% of voters favoured Georgian membership of NATO. Only with their membership is a peaceful and stable future in Europe possible!

The NATO membership of Georgia as the central country and as the transit way for energy and goods in the Caucasus region is a guarantee for peace and stability in the whole Caucasus. For this purpose the territorial integrity of Georgia must be respected.

Energy security is also very important for NATO members in the future. Georgia as transit country to Europe from the Caspian and Persian region offers alternative routes beside Russia and reduces the already existing dependence on Russian energy net. Therefore security and stability in Georgia creates also security and stability in the whole Caucasus and Europe.

Good neighbourhood relations to the NATO member Turkey could be strengthened and Turkey in its geographical outstanding position would get more assistance and support.

In a certain way the situation of Georgia nowadays is comparable with the situation of West Germany in 1955. The incorporation of West Germany into the organization completed the NATO structure in front of the Soviet Union sphere. This act was directly executed without MAP, even in a tensed pre-war situation and protected Germany against Soviet aggression up to the present. And today is already the 230th day of Russia violating the “six-point peace plan” against Georgia and still occupying 20% of Georgian territory.

We want to commemorate You the history and situation of Georgia:
For 3000 years conquerors from every direction have coveted this wonderful land. The small Georgian states had to defend their independence against grand peoples like the Greeks, Romans, Persians, Arabs, Seljuks, Turks, Mongolians, Russians and these peoples came again and again.

Georgia never started campaigns and wars to conquer land outside of traditional Georgian settlement areas or to oppress neighbours. The culture in Georgia was always high developed, Christian belief became already 327 state religion and the Silk Road through Georgia was connecting Europe with the Orient. Georgia was always a multi-cultural country and lived in peace with religious and ethnic minorities, which were integrated in the society and even state administration. For example Ossetian people came in middle age time as refugees, survived as ethnical group and could keep their language and traditions because of the tolerance of Georgian nation up to the present.

At last the growing Russian empire reached the Caucasus in the 18th century and managed 1801 the annexation of the weakened, for help against Turkey asking Georgia. But brave Georgians survived then the russification in the 19th century with the foundation of the “Democratic Republic of Georgia” in 1918, immediately recognized by Germany and the Ottoman Empire, 1920 by Soviet Union, 1921 by the League of Nations. This, however, did not prevent the country from being attacked by Soviet Russia one month later. The sovietisation started then, because democratic Western states were not ready to recognize the consequences for the future. The elected government of Georgia went into exile in France, about 50,000 Georgians were executed and killed in 1921-1924, more than 150,000 were purged in 1935-1938.

In the time of perestroika freedom-loving Georgian people were the first, who started with demonstrations for freedom and independence in 1989. They could realize this at last in 1991, following examples of European democratic states. This transition got immediately undermined by the Russian influence, which reinstalled the old soviet nomenklatura, using for this also the ethnical conflict zones. The Rose Revolution in 2003 brought to power young politicians, who were educated in Western countries and started a new policy against corruption and for economical development inside the country. In foreign policy Georgia chose the way to EU and NATO, supported by US and European organisations and politicians. Because Russia by itself didn’t go this way to modern democratic structures and tolerant behaviour to his neighbours, at 2008 the Russian government finalized the plans from the past against Georgia and occupied with its military superiority, what they wanted to possess by themselves, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The other aim, to unseat president Saakashvili, was interrupted by diplomatic international interventions. By the way they damaged the Georgian infrastructure, the reputation of the Georgian government and the hope of a peaceful future in the Caucasus and Europe.

Georgian diaspora recognizes a “dual strategy” of Russian foreign policy:
bargaining, but then realizing and taking, what only they want, ignoring agreements !

The policy of the Russian government still doesn’t respect the free decisions of other nations about their future. This can’t be the political order of the 21th century.

Russian parliament passed an 25% increase of military spending and the government introduced an aggressive style of rhetoric, far away from peaceful cooperation and fair dialogue between nations.

The unilateral recognition of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and the support of the de facto regimes with military equipment shows, that Russia continues heating up the ethnic conflicts and the separatism in Georgia. Additionally Russia started to build military bases in Abkhazia and South Ossetia and signed agreements about military cooperation and protection.

Russia still doesn’t abide by the “six-point peace plan”, signed in August 2008 by Russian President Medvedev, French President Sarkozy and Georgian President Saakashvili.
( Georgia asked for the additions in parentheses, but Russia rejected them. )

1. No recourse to the use of force.
2. Definitive cessation of hostilities.
3. Free access to humanitarian aid (addition rejected: and to allow the return of refugees).
4. The Armed Forces of Georgia must withdraw to their permanent positions.
5. The Armed Forces of the Russian Federation must withdraw to the line where they were stationed prior to the beginning of hostilities. Prior to the establishment of international mechanisms the Russian peacekeeping forces will take additional security measures. (addition rejected: six months)
6. An international debate on the future status of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and ways to ensure their lasting security will take place. (addition rejected: based on the decisions of the UN and the OSCE)

by Russian side broken treaties and agreements against Georgia in the past:

1783 Friendship “Treaty of Georgievsk” with Russia, but: no military help against a Persian attack and later annexation in spite of the guaranteed sovereignty!
1920 “Moscow Peace Treaty” with the recognition of Georgia by Soviet Union under the condition, that Georgia should be neutral. Therefore British troops left Georgia and shortly afterwards in 1921 the Red army attacked unprotected Georgia.
1989 „Constitution of the Soviet Union“, which guaranteed the „inviolability of persons“, but on a demonstration in Tbilisi Russian special units killed 22 Georgian citizens.
1991 „Constitution of the Soviet Union“ didn’t allow Russian military help for the Ossetian separatists. In 1990 no formal intervention against Ossetian independence declaration!
1992 Armistice in Abkhazia and 1993 peace treaty in Abkhazia, but both times instead no peacekeeping, military help for separatists and offensive with genocide of Georgians.

We want to remember You to statements and opinions out of the past to Georgia:
German Chancellor Angela Merkel
“Georgia will be, if it wants, and it wants, member of the NATO”, Angela Merkel said in the Georgian capital Tbilisi on Sunday directly after her meeting with the Georgian president Mikheil Saakashvili. “The situation did not change for me at this point.”
(Welt, 17.07.2008)

Former US-Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
“And you know, I don’t mean to sound at all cavalier about it, but there was one huge territorial dispute at the inception of NATO. It was called East Germany. And we did not prevent, therefore, West Germany for – from being a founding – for coming into NATO. And ultimately, it was in NATO that Germany not only overcame its division, but overcame its very difficult history with its neighbours through a democratic peace. And we need to remember that history, when we talk about territorial problems for Georgia.”
(Warsaw, Poland, August 20, 2008)

Estonian President Toomas Ilves
“It is highly regrettable, that the NATO couldn´t agree on, to offer these two countries (Georgia and Ukraine) the membership of the Access Programm (MAP). Obviously this was interpreted by Russia, that these countries remain in their area of influence.”
(FAZ, 13.08.08)

Russian President Dmitrij Medwedjew
“NATO provoked the Caucasus conflict.”
(SZ, 19.09.2008)

Former US-Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
“The conflict in Georgia, thus, has deep roots. And clearly, all sides made mistakes and miscalculations. But several key facts are clear: On August 7th, following repeated violations of the ceasefire in South Ossetia, including the shelling of Georgian villages, the Georgian government launched a major military operation into Tskhinvali and other areas of the separatist region. ... But the situation deteriorated further when Russia’s leaders violated Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity – and launched a full scale invasion across an internationally-recognized border. … What is more disturbing about Russia’s actions is that they fit into a worsening pattern of behavior over several years now.“
“Russia’s invasion of Georgia has achieved – and will achieve – no enduring strategic objective. And our strategic goal now is to make clear to Russia’s leaders that their choices could put Russia on a one-way path to self-imposed isolation and international irrelevance.”
“We cannot afford to validate the prejudices that some Russian leaders seem to have: that if you press free nations hard enough – if you bully them, and you threaten them, and you lash out – they will cave in, and they’ll forget, and eventually they will concede.”
(Renaissance Mayflower Hotel, Washington, DC, September 18, 2008)

Stichworte: Georgien, Abchasien, Süd-Ossetien, Russland, Krieg-2008, Appell, Sprache: deutsch, englisch, Archiv: #

Georgien als Schauplatz der “neuen Kriege” dieser Zeit

21.08.2008 | Baltische Rundschau | Link zur Quelle | Bilder | Video |
von Anton Landgraf
Nach dem Ende der bipolaren Weltordnung entsteht ein Geflecht aus geopolitischem Großmachtstreben und asymmetrischen wirtschaftlichen, politischen und religiösen Interessen lokaler Oligarchen. Ist der Krieg in Georgien eine Vorschau auf die Struktur der »neuen Kriege« dieser Zeit?

Die Reise war ein Alptraum für die Sicherheitsberater und nur mit der Panik zu erklären, die viele ehemalige Ostblockstaaten erfasst hat. Gemeinsam mit dem polnischen Präsidenten Lech Kaczynski trafen die Regierungschefs der drei baltischen Staaten am Dienstag vergangener Woche in Tiflis ein, um Georgien ihrer Solidarität angesichts der »russischen Aggression« zu versichern. Unterwegs nahmen sie in Kiew noch den ukrainischen Präsidenten Viktor Juschtschenko mit. Ein Attentat oder eine verirrte Rakete über dem Kriegsgebiet hätte auf einen Schlag fünf Staatsoberhäupter gefährdet.

Solche Sicherheitsbedenken erschienen den osteuropäischen Politikern banal angesichts viel größerer Ängste, die das Auftreten Russlands im südlichen Kaukasus bei ihnen provozierte. »Heute Georgien, morgen dann die Ukraine, die baltischen Staaten und Polen«, erklärte der Sprecher des polnischen Präsidenten Lech Kaczynski die Motive für die Reise.
...
Stichworte: Georgien, Ukraine, Süd-Ossetien, Krieg-2008, Sprache: deutsch, Archiv: #2

Wladimir Putins arroganter Auftritt in Dresden

17.01.2009 | Welt Online | Link zur Quelle | Bilder | Video |
Es war Tag elf der Gasblockade, als Russlands Regierungschef in Dresden einen Dankesorden erhielt. Damit nicht genug der Verrücktheiten: Putin war ausgerechnet in Dresden über Jahre für den KGB tätig. Und am Ende des Abends mahnte er noch eine gefälligere Berichterstattung über Russland an. ......
... Im Zusammenhang mit dem Gasstreit Russland-Ukraine sagte Putin: „Man kann auch Georgien und die Ukraine anders schützen als durch eine Nato-Mitgliedschaft.“ Dass der Mann, der zwei georgische Provinzen faktisch annektiert hat, von „Schutz“ sprach, fanden einige Teilnehmer so unpassend wie die Tatsache, dass der ihm überreichte Orden das Motiv des Heiligen Georg ziert. Der ist nämlich der Schutzheilige Georgiens.
Stichworte: Russland, Putin, Georgien, Abchasien, Süd-Ossetien, Sprache: deutsch, Archiv: #

NATO-GIPFEL 2010 IN LISSABON

20.11.2010 | Civil.ge | Link zur Quelle | Bilder | Video |
Georgien in der NATO-Gipfelerklärung - wörtliche Auszüge - 20.11.2010, Civil Georgia
- Stabilität und erfolgreiche politische und wirtschaftliche Reformen in Georgien sind wichtig für die euro-atlantische Stabilität
- Bukarest-Entscheidung in allen Entscheidungen wiederholt: Georgien wird ein NATO-Mitglied werden
- NATO-Russland-Kooperation ist von strategischer Bedeutung
20. ...Stability and successful political and economic reform in Georgia and Ukraine are important to Euro-Atlantic security. We will continue and develop the partnerships with these countries taking into account the Euro-Atlantic aspiration or orientation of each of the countries.
21. At the 2008 Bucharest Summit we agreed that Georgia will become a member of NATO and we reaffirm all elements of that decision, as well as subsequent decisions. We will foster political dialogue and practical cooperation with Georgia, including through the NATO-Georgia Commission and the Annual National Programme. We strongly encourage and actively support Georgia’s continued implementation of all necessary reforms, particularly democratic, electoral and judicial reforms, as well as security and defence sector reforms, in order to advance its Euro-Atlantic aspirations. We welcome the recent opening of the NATO Liaison Office in Georgia which will help in maximising our assistance and support for the country’s reform efforts. We welcome Georgia’s important contributions to NATO operations, in particular to ISAF. We reiterate our continued support for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Georgia within its internationally recognised borders. We encourage all participants in the Geneva talks to play a constructive role as well as to continue working closely with the OSCE, UN and the EU to pursue peaceful conflict resolution in the internationally-recognised territory of Georgia. We continue to call on Russia to reverse its recognition of the South Ossetia and Abkhazia regions of Georgia as independent states...
23. ...NATO-Russia cooperation is of strategic importance, as reflected by today’s meeting of the NATO-Russia Council (NRC) at the level of Heads of State and Government in Lisbon. In light of common security interests, we are determined to build a lasting and inclusive peace, together with Russia, in the Euro-Atlantic Area. We need to share responsibility in facing up to common challenges, jointly identified. We want to see a true strategic partnership between NATO and Russia, and we will act accordingly, with the expectation of reciprocity from Russia. We recommit ourselves to the goals, principles and commitments which underpin the NRC. On this firm basis, we urge Russia to meet its commitments with respect to Georgia, as mediated by the European Union on 12 August and 8 September 2008. Over the past year, NATO-Russia cooperation has progressed and produced notable results. We welcome, in particular, the completion of the Joint Review of 21st Century Common Security Challenges, which has identified practical cooperation projects on Afghanistan, including counter-narcotics; non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery; counter-piracy; counter-terrorism; and disaster response. We also welcome the new extended arrangements offered by Russia to facilitate ISAF transit to and from Afghanistan. We are actively pursuing cooperation with Russia on missile defence, including through the resumption of theatre missile defence exercises. We will also want to discuss in the NRC a range of other topics, including Afghanistan; implementing OSCE principles; military deployments, including any that could be perceived as threatening; information sharing and transparency on military doctrine and posture, as well as the overall disparity in short-range nuclear weapons; arms control; and other security issues. We look forward to discussing all these matters in the NRC, which is a forum for political dialogue at all times and on all issues, including where we disagree. Our dialogue and cooperation with Russia also help us to resolve differences by building trust, mutual confidence, transparency, predictability and mutual understanding...
35. ... With our vision of a Euro-Atlantic area at peace, the persistence of protracted regional conflicts in South Caucasus and the Republic of Moldova continues to be a matter of great concern for the Alliance. We urge all parties to engage constructively and with reinforced political will in peaceful conflict resolution, and to respect the current negotiation formats. We call on them all to avoid steps that undermine regional security and stability. We remain committed in our support of the territorial integrity, independence and sovereignty of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and the Republic of Moldova, and will also continue to support efforts towards a peaceful settlement of these regional conflicts, taking into account these principles.
Russ. Präsident Medvedev: Georgien 'wahrscheinlich schwerwiegendste' Unstimmigkeit mit NATO - 20.11.2010, Civil Georgia
Russian President, Dmitry Medvedev, said that at Lisbon summit NATO and Moscow made “a significant step forward” towards boosting cooperation, but also said that differences, including on Georgia, remain.
“One of the most serious differences probably is about our assessment of 2008 events – attitude towards what has happened in August, 2008, towards those geopolitical changes, which occurred at that time; in particular emergence of two new states – South Ossetia and Abkhazia. But we [Russia and NATO] have noted that this issue should not become a stumbling stone,” Medvedev said while speaking at a news conference after NATO-Russia Council meeting in Lisbon on November 20.
“We have agreed that [differences] should not disrupt our relations,” he said. “On the contrary, we should work on finding ways out of these difficult situations. We should work on hearing each others’ arguments.”
Medvedev said that in overall the Lisbon summit was “a significant step forward towards strengthening our relations” and for that reason, he added, this summit was “a historic event.”
Georgien in der Abschlusserklärung des NATO-Gipfels in Lissabon - 20.11.2010, Civil Georgia
... Wie die Erklärung nach dem Strasbourg/Kehl-Gipfel ruft die jüngste Erklärung Russland auf, "seine Anerkennung von der Südossetien- und Abchasien-Region von Georgien als unabhängige Staaten rückgängig zu machen". ...
Like NATO’s new strategic concept, in respect of Georgia, the final declaration of Lisbon summit reiterates the decision taken by NATO leaders at 2008 Bucharest summit, that Georgia will become a member of the Alliance.
It also reaffirms subsequent decisions taken by the Alliance in respect of Georgia, which among others also includes the one of 2009 Strasbourg/Kehl summit in which NATO leaders said that Georgia’s Annual National Programme, setting reforms targets, will help Georgia in advancing its reforms “without prejudice to further decisions which must be taken about MAP” – Membership Action Plan, a precursor to an eventual membership to which Georgia was refused at 2008 Bucharest summit.
Like the 2009 Strasbourg/Kehl declaration, the recent one again calls on Russia “to reverse its recognition of the South Ossetia and Abkhazia regions of Georgia as independent states.”
While noting that NATO wants to see “a true strategic partnership” with Russia, the Lisbon summit declaration reiterates support to Georgia’s territorial integrity and calls on Moscow “to meet its commitments with respect to Georgia” undertaken under the August 12, 2008 six-point ceasefire agreement and follow up treaty of September 8, 2008.
It says that “protracted regional conflicts” in South Caucasus and in Moldova “continues to be a matter of great concern for the Alliance.”
“We strongly encourage and actively support Georgia’s continued implementation of all necessary reforms, particularly democratic, electoral and judicial reforms, as well as security and defence sector reforms, in order to advance its Euro-Atlantic aspirations,” the declaration reads.
NATO-Generalsekretär Rasmussen sagt, eine verbesserte NATO-Russland-Beziehung werde in veritabler Weise dazu beitragen, eine Lösung im Konflikt Georgien-Russland zu finden - 20.11.2010, Civil Georgia
NATO Secretary General, Anders Fogh Rasmussen, who announced about launch of “fundamentally new relations” between NATO and Russia, said improved ties between the Alliance and Moscow would also help to resolve conflict between Russia and Georgia.
Speaking at a news conference after a meeting between NATO leaders and Russian President Dmitry Medvedev in Lisbon, Rasmussen said that the Alliance and Russia “agreed in writing that while we face main security challenges we pose no threat to each other.”
"For the first time the two sides will be cooperating to defend themselves," Rasmussen said.
Asked how “fundamentally new relations” between Russia and NATO might effect conflict between Moscow and Tbilisi, Rasmussen responded: “I hope to see a resolution to that very unfortunate conflict and I can assure that within the framework, we have created for consultations with Russia, we will continue to discuss the Georgia issue.”
“The NATO position remains the same; we insist on full respect of Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity; we will continue to pursue a non-recognition policy as regards Abkhazia and South Ossetia.”
"Generally speaking, I do believe, that an improved relationship between NATO and Russia will also contribute in a valuable way to find the solutions to the conflict between Russia and Georgia," Rasmussen said.
Präsident Saakashvili über 'fruchtbarste diplomatische Woche' - 20.11.2010, Civil Georgia
President Saakashvili said this week was the most “fruitful” in terms of diplomatic successes for Georgia under his presidency.
Speaking to a group of Georgian journalists in Lisbon on sideline of NATO summit after meeting with President Obama, Saakashvili said that NATO Parliamentary Assembly’s resolution, his trip to Brussels to meet with EU leadership and talks with his U.S. counterpart, as well as his upcoming speech before the European Parliament on November 23 was marking failure of Russia’s attempts “to cast away and sideline” Georgia on the international arena.
“I am on this post [of the President] for many years already, but I do not remember having - and we have not had – such a fruitful international week. It means that all the attempts – and lots of money have been invested in those attempts - to somehow weaken… and to cast away and sideline Georgia [have foiled] and on the contrary, those attempts boomeranged against perpetrators of those attempts,” Saakashvili said.
“This indicates on the fact that in every type of relations the truth will always prevail and good will always defeat evil. We need patience.”
“In the 21st century, nobody will last long as an occupying force on a territory of the European country. This status of an occupier has been established and support to Georgia has been strengthened. What we need now is patience, unity – and I think that our people have this unity today – and we need hard work to make Georgia stronger,” he said.
Saakashvili said that the NATO Parliamentary Assembly resolution, which mentions “occupation” and “ethnic cleansing”, was not “a minor event” and it was a result of “a huge diplomatic struggle.”
He also said that he was the only President of non-EU member state to be honored with an opportunity to address the European Parliament twice. He first addressed MEPs in November, 2006.
"It happens not because there is a special attention personally to me, but because of support of Europe and rest of the world towards Georgia," he said.
Präsident Saakashvili 'zufrieden' mit den Gesprächen mit Obama - 20.11.2010, Civil Georgia
Schon die Tatsache, dass Präsident Obama nur wenige Treffen neben dem NATO-Gipfel einplante und dabei Georgien berücksichtigte, war eine wichtige Botschaft.
President Saakashvili said the fact that President Obama’s scheduled of few bilateral meetings on sidelines of NATO Lisbon summit also included talks with his Georgian counterpart was in itself “an important message”.
“I am very satisfied with this meeting,” Saakashvili told a group of Georgian journalists in Lisbon after meeting with President Obama late on November 19 evening. “As you know this was President Obama’s only meeting here at NATO summit, apart his meetings with [Afghan] President Karzai and with the hosts [referring to Portuguese leaders] – and you know that Afghanistan tops the agenda of this summit; actually he had no other meetings here except of these ones. Of course this is already in itself an important message.”
“During the meeting the President [Obama] made an extremely supportive statements about reforms in Georgia; he assessed highly democratic and economic reforms carried out in Georgia; he demonstrated good knowledge of details of the situation [in Georgia]; not only he reiterated support to Georgia’s territorial integrity, but [also demonstrated] that they [the U.S. authorities] are working on this issue and of course [Obama expressed] support towards the path, which will lead us to the NATO membership,” Saakashvili said.
'Georgien bleibt in Afghanistan bis die Mission vollendet ist' - 19.11.2010, Civil Georgia
President Saakashvili said on November 19 that Georgia would remain committed to the Afghan mission until it's accomplished.
Saakashvili made the remarks at a meeting with Canadian Prime Minister, Stephen Harper, on a sideline of NATO summit in Lisbon.
“You know we are second biggest per capita contributors to Afghanistan in terms of numbers of troops. We have no caveats and we are fighting alongside the Americans, Canadians, with British and we are willing to stay there until the mission is accomplished,” he said.
Georgia has 950 troops in Afghanistan; five Georgian soldiers were killed in combat in two separate incidents in early and late September.
Saakashvili also said at the meeting with the Canadian PM: “We love Canada in Georgia, not only in Georgia, but in the whole region, and not only because it’s a great country but it has been paying great attention to our region. It has been outspoken in defence of values and it’s a great ally in Afghanistan."
Georgian State Minister for Euro-Atlantic Integration Issues, Giorgi Baramidze, said that Canada "is an active supporter to Georgia's NATO integration." "These relations are very important for us," he said.
Meanwhile, Georgian First Deputy Foreign Minister, Giga Bokeria, said on November 19, that Georgia was expecting that NATO summit in Lisbon would give a "firm" recommitment to its decision at the Bucharest summit in 2008 to eventual Georgian membership.
“We hope and we have a ground to hope that at this summit a very clear message will be made about future of Georgia’s NATO membership – that is a very firm reiteration of the NATO Bucharest summit decision; as you know there have been speculations on this issue and it is important to remove all the question marks about it,” Bokeria said.


Stichworte: Georgien, Abchasien, Süd-Ossetien, Russland, Krieg-2008, Sprache: deutsch, englisch, Archiv: #

Östliche Partnerschaft der EU: Moskau irritiert

21.03.2009 | FOCUS | Link zur Quelle | Bilder | Video |
Am 7. Mai soll die "Östliche Partnerschaft" mit den Ländern Armenien, Aserbaidschan, Georgien, Moldawien, der Ukraine und Weißrussland ins Leben gerufen werden, nachdem dies die Staats- und Regierungschefs der EU in Brüssel am 20.03. beschlossen hatten. Am 21.03. äußerte sich der russische Außenminister Lavrov auf dem Brüsseler Forum. "Wir haben da Fragen." Hr. Lavrov stellte die rhetorische Frage: "Geht es darum, Länder von jenen Positionen wegzuziehen, über die sie doch frei entscheiden sollen? Ist das eine Einflusssphäre?" ...
Dagegen sagte EU-Chefdiplomat Javier Solana, dass die EU Verhandlungen über eine neue Sicherheitsarchitektur, wie von Russlands Präsident Dmitri Medwedew vorgeschlagen, für nicht dringend.

Stichworte: Georgien, Russland, EU, Sprache: deutsch, Archiv: #

US-Außenministerin Clinton in Georgien: ‘unerschütterliche’ Unterstützung

05.07.2010 | Civil.ge | Link zur Quelle | Bilder | Video |

US-Außenministerin Clinton beteuert nochmals Georgien’s ‘unerschütterliche’ Unterstützung
Hillary Clinton, the U.S. secretary of state, reiterated Washington’s “steadfast” support to Georgia, spoke out against “the continued occupation” of Abkhazia and South Ossetia by Russia, called on Tbilisi not to be “provoked” by Russia and not to be focused on the past.
Clinton paid a six-hour visit to Georgia on July 5, which was her final stop on her tour of Eastern European countries, which also included Ukraine, Poland, Azerbaijan and Armenia.
During her stay in Tbilisi the U.S. Secretary of State held a town hall meeting with women leaders, met with President Saakashvili and some opposition leaders and took a walk in the old part of Tbilisi together with the Georgian leader.
Town Hall Meeting
The town hall meeting in the National Library involved over hundred of women, including from advocacy and media groups, opposition parties, lawmakers and some senior government officials, as well as the Georgian First Lady, Sandra Roelofs.
“I believe that the potential of this country to serve as a beacon and model for democracy and progress is extraordinary,” Clinton said in her opening remarks at the meeting.
During question-and-answer session the Secretary of State was asked by Tina Khidasheli of the opposition Republican Party whether the Obama administration had “real a democracy agenda” for Georgia. “The real one and not the one we have seen during the Bush times – that was ‘well, we know what Saakashvili does, but he’s our guy’… is that any real weapon the U.S. has to influence the democratic changes?” Khidasheli asked and added that she was concerned about, what she called, increasing skepticism towards the West among Georgians.
“The United States always has a democratic agenda,” Clinton responded.
“Our view is that Georgia has made extraordinary progress and has demonstrated resilience in the face of very difficult circumstances. But of course, we raise issues - whether it’s criminal code, independent judiciary or free media; we raise these issues as a friend, as a supporter, as a believer in the significance of Georgian democracy.”
“We gonna continue to support democracy in Georgia,” Clinton added.
She said that when people starting saying that they become skeptical of the west, the alternative was to “work to overcome that skepticism, work to fix the problem.”
Later during the same meeting she again addressed the same issue and said: “It is beyond my imagination that a country that has fought so hard to be independent, despite the difficulties would be seeking another potential route.”
Another government critic, Eka Beselia, a former member of ex-defense minister Irakli Okruashvili’s party, who now leads an advocacy group, told the Secretary of State that there were more than 60 “political prisoners” in Georgia. “And I want to request you to ask President Saakashvili why he holds political prisoners and why the judiciary is not independent,” Beselia told Clinton and added that she herself became a victim, because her family members faced criminal persecution “just because I was in the opposition.”
“We raise all of these concerns with our meetings with the officials; I will raise this and other concerns when I meet with the President… I want to be clear that the United State supports the Georgian people and the Georgian democracy,” Clinton responded.
When a lawmaker from the ruling party, Chiora Taktakishivli, asked the Secretary of State what was the U.S. agenda to facilitate return of displaced persons back to their homes in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, Clinton responded that the U.S. was “appalled and totally rejected the invasion and occupation of the Georgian territory.”
“We continue to speak out against the continued occupation and we support the use of the Geneva mechanism but it needs to be revived and it needs to be intensified. And we intend to try to do that. I am not going to stand here and tell you that this is an easy problem because this is not,” Clinton said.
During the same meeting Clinton stressed that the best way for Georgia was to move forward with its reforms and economic development and not to focus on the past.
“It is a mistake to focus on the past. Too many countries in this part of Europe are looking backwards instead of forwards,” she said. “It does not mean you forget the past; it does not mean you don’t take prudent measures to protect yourself, but staying focused on what you can do today and tomorrow to improve your lives and lives of your fellow citizens and building your democracy and opening your economy and providing for justice and social inclusion – that is for me a great mission of Georgia.”
She again reiterated that while trying to reset relations with Russia, the United States continued “to object and criticize actions by Russia which we believe are wrong and on the top of the list is the invasion and occupation of Georgia.”
She also “strongly urge” Georgia “not be baited or provoked into any action that would give any excuse to the Russians to take any further aggressive movements.”
‘Steadfast Commitment to Georgia's Sovereignty’
After the town hall meeting, the Secretary of State headed to the presidential palace, where she met with President Saakashvili.
Clinton said in her opening remarks at the joint news conference after the meeting that she arrived in Georgia to deliver “a clear message” from President Obama, that the United States “is steadfast in its commitment to Georgia's sovereignty and territorial integrity.”
“The United States does not recognize spheres of influence,” she said and added that President Obama and she had communicated this message also with the Russian counterparts.
She said that the U.S. was calling on Russia to abide with its commitments undertaken under the August 12 six-point ceasefire agreement and to pull back its troops to pre-August war line.
She also reiterated the U.S. position that there was no need for any additional agreement, as insisted by Russia – a reference to Moscow’s calls on Tbilisi to sign a non-use of force treaty or a declaration. Moscow, however, itself refuses to sign such document citing that it is not party into the conflict.
Echoing Tbilisi’s position on the matter, Clinton said that if such agreement was anyway prepared, it would only be acceptable if Russia also was the part of it.
She said that Geneva talks were an important forum to help increase transparency in Abkhazia and South Ossetia and to help reduce tensions.
She said that the U.S. “strongly urges” South Ossetians “to immediately” resume participation in the Incident Prevention and Response Mechanism (IPRM). She also said that the U.S. was calling on Russia to encourage South Ossetians to return to that mechanism, which was established in frames of Geneva discussions and involves regular meetings between the sides to address security concerns on the ground.
She also called on the Abkhaz side “to constructively participate” in the Geneva talks. Sokhumi said last month that it was "temporarily withdrawing" from Geneva talks – the move which Tbilisi said was in fact Russia’s attempt to undermine Geneva talks with the hands of its “puppet regime” in Sokhumi.
Clinton said the U.S. was concerned about construction of Russia’s “permanent military base” in Abkhazia and South Ossetia and added that Washington “made it clear” to the Russian authorities that such move was not in line with their commitments under the ceasefire agreement.
Clinton thanked Georgia for its significant contribution to the NATO forces in Afghanistan and added that this contribution showed evidence of Georgia’s “diligent movement towards meeting the requirements” for NATO membership.
Shortcomings Remain
At the joint news conference with President Saakashvili, Clinton said that despite “difficult circumstances” Georgia made “a real progress” in past few years.
“But, as you know better than I, there are still shortcomings. We want to urge Georgia to continue work of the Rose Revolution,” Clinton said.
U.S. ‘Decisive’ Assistance
Saakashvili said that the U.S. assistance was “decisive” for Georgia since its independence.
He said that “repeated statements” defending Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity made by the Obama administration, as well as the U.S. support to Georgia’s democracy were of vital importance for Tbilisi.
He also said that Georgia remained committed to reforms and modernization and although much remained to be done, Georgia was “a model of political and economic reforms” and “a shining example at least for this region.” He also added that despite occupation and challenges, Georgia would never turn away from this path of “reforms and modernization.”
‘Step-By-Step’ Security Cooperation
During the press conference, Saakashvili was asked about “de facto restrictions” on sale of U.S. arms to Georgia on which he responded by saying that Georgia had “very good security cooperation” with the United States and brought an example of Georgia’s contribution to the Afghan operation.
He said that this security cooperation “is a process, a step-by-step approach.” He said that “there is nothing to complain about” the U.S. policy on this issue.
On the U.S. reset policy with Russia, Saakashvili said that although initially some questions were raised about the issue, it was now clear that the reset did not come at the expense of principles.
“It is a value-based policy… That’s why we all love America,” he said.


Stichworte: Georgien, Abchasien, Clinton, Russland, Saakaschwili, Sarkozy, Süd-Ossetien, USA

RESOLUTION ZU GEORGIEN IM EUROPARAT WIRFT NEUER REGIERUNG U.A. MISSBRAUCH DER JUSTIZ UND UNBILLIGEN DRUCK UND ANFEINDUNGEN GEGEN DIE UNM-OPPOSITION VOR

RESOLUTION ZU GEORGIEN IM EUROPARAT WIRFT NEUER REGIERUNG U.A. MISSBRAUCH DER JUSTIZ UND UNBILLIGEN DRUCK UND ANFEINDUNGEN GEGEN DIE UNM-OPPOSITION VOR
PACE - Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe - Parlamentarische Versammlung des Europarates - Resolution 2015 on Georgia
Resolution 2015 (2014) - The functioning of democratic institutions in Georgia - Origin - Assembly debate on 1 October 2014, assembly.coe.int
Author(s): Parliamentary Assembly
Origin - Assembly debate on 1 October 2014 (32nd and 33rd Sittings) (see Doc. 13588 and addendum, report of the Committee on the Honouring of Obligations and Commitments by Member States of the Council of Europe (Monitoring Committee), co-rapporteurs: Mr Michael Aastrup Jensen and Mr Boriss Cilevičs). Text adopted by the Assembly on 1 October 2014 (33rd Sitting). 
1. The Parliamentary Assembly welcomes the smooth conduct of the 2012 parliamentary and 2013 presidential elections in Georgia, which, despite a polarised and acrimonious election environment, were overall democratic and in line with European standards. These elections mark the first time in Georgia’s recent history that the political power has changed hands peacefully and democratically through the ballot box. All the political forces should be congratulated on this achievement, which should be an example for the whole region.
2. The otherwise smooth handover of power was accompanied by a polarised and antagonistic political climate, especially during the period of cohabitation between the then President Milheil Saakashvili and the Georgian Dream coalition government. The Assembly regrets that these tensions sometimes overshadowed the many positive changes that were taking place in the democratic environment of Georgia. The United National Movement (UNM) has reported that several thousand of its activists and supporters were regularly interrogated and intimidated by various investigative agencies (some up to 30 times). A number of major opposition figures, including members of parliament, were violently attacked. It has to be noted that two years on, almost the entire leadership of the former ruling party has been arrested or is under prosecution or investigation: former Prime Minister and UNM Secretary General, Vano Merabishvili, former Defence Minister, Bacho Akhalaia, and former Tbilisi mayor and UNM campaign manager, Gigi Ugulava, are in prison (pre-trial detention). The judicial authorities have charged the former President, Mikheil Saakashvili, and ordered pre-trial detention in absentia, as well as for former Minister of Defence, David Keserashvili, and former Minister of Justice, Zurab Adeishvili. The emergence of a strong and experienced opposition, combined with a well-organised ruling coalition, has strengthened the role of the parliament and parliamentarianism in the political system in Georgia. Moreover, on a number of occasions, the parliament has managed to find consensus solutions to major political challenges. In the view of the Assembly, these are important developments and a major evolution of the political environment in the country.
3. With regard to the reform of the Constitution, the Assembly:
3.1. calls on the parliament to ensure that the changes to the Constitution address all the remaining recommendations of the European Commission for Democracy through Law (Venice Commission) on the 2010 Constitution as well as the concerns of the Assembly regarding the remaining ambiguities in the division of powers and the systemic vulnerability to inter-institutional conflict;
3.2. urges all political forces to agree on an election system that can count on a broad consensus and that strengthens the pluralistic nature of the country’s political institutions. In this respect, the Assembly invites all stakeholders to consider the proportional–regional election system, based on open lists, which seems to have the agreement of most, if not all, political forces in the country; 
3.3. urges all the parties concerned to refrain from adopting amendments with contentious or divisive language or that would undermine the rights of any minority in the country;
3.4. welcomes the establishment and composition of the State Commission for Constitutional Reform as a clear sign that the authorities wish to amend the Constitution in an consensual and inclusive process and calls on all stakeholders to contribute constructively to this process;
3.5. recommends that the State Commission for Constitutional Reform closely co-operate with the Venice Commission in the drawing up of the constitutional amendments and request a formal opinion by the Venice Commission on the proposed amendments before they are adopted by parliament. 
4. The Assembly recalls its concerns about the independence of the judiciary and administration of justice in Georgia. In that respect, it welcomes the adoption of a comprehensive reform package for the judiciary and justice system that aims to ensure genuine independence of the judiciary and a truly adversarial justice system. The Assembly welcomes signals that the judiciary is now working more independently. However, it also notes that the proceedings in sensitive legal cases, including against former government members (some of them being leading opposition members), have revealed continuing vulnerabilities and deficiencies in the justice system that need to be addressed. Moreover, it regrets that the Georgian Parliament could not find the consensus necessary to elect all of its six members in the High Council of Justice. Further reforms of the judiciary, including of the prosecution services, are therefore necessary. In this respect, the Assembly:
4.1. suggests that the parliament considers a further amendment to the organic law of Georgia on the courts of general jurisdiction that would require at least two rounds of voting, with sufficient time for negotiations in-between, before lowering the threshold from a two-thirds majority to a simple majority to elect the parliament’s appointees to the High Council of Justice. In the view of the Assembly, this will facilitate and encourage agreement between the ruling majority and the opposition on the members of the High Council of Justice elected by the parliament;
4.2. calls on the parliament to contemplate considerably lowering the three-year probation period for judges to be appointed to a life term of office, in order to bring it into line with European standards; 
4.3. urges the parliament to amend the law on administrative offences with a view to removing the possibility of custodial sentences for such offences;
4.4. while welcoming the recent decrease in its use, expresses its concern about the continued widespread use of pre-trial detention in Georgia. The Assembly emphasises that detention on remand should only be used as a measure of last resort, when there is a clear risk of absconding, interference with the course of justice, or a serious risk that the person will commit a serious offence or pose a threat to public order and it should not be used for political purposes. It calls on the authorities to adopt clear guidelines for the prosecution and courts for the use of detention on remand, in order to ensure full adherence with the requirements of Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ETS No. 5) and Committee of Ministers Recommendation Rec(2006)13 on the use of remand in custody, the conditions in which it takes place and the provision of safeguards against abuse;
4.5. expresses concern over the widespread application of asset freezing to family members of opposition figures and former government officials in criminal cases not involving allegations concerning illicit assets;
4.6. urges the Georgian authorities to implement fully the provisions of the Code of Criminal Procedure on witness testimonies and jury trials.
5. The Assembly notes that the media reforms initiated by the authorities are considered by the Representative for the Freedom of the Media of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) to be an improvement over previous legislation and in line with international standards. The Assembly welcomes the fact that these reforms address several of its previous recommendations. It regrets that these reforms were unnecessarily politicised in the tense pre-electoral political environment. 
6. The Assembly expresses its concern about the apparent politicisation of the public broadcaster and the recent difficulties experienced by the parliament in appointing an independent and impartial board of trustees to oversee its work. It considers this to be a signal that both the majority and the minority in parliament are attempting to politicise the composition and work of the board of trustees and ultimately the public broadcaster itself. Further amendments to the Law on Broadcasting need to be adopted obliging the parliament to appoint a board of trustees on the basis of the candidates proposed by the independent and impartial public selection committee that is foreseen in the law. In this context, the Assembly urges the Georgian Parliament to adopt the transitional measures necessary to implement the Constitutional Court decision with regard to the dismissal of the previous board of trustees. 
7. With regard to the recently adopted organic law on local self-government, the Assembly:
7.1. welcomes the fact that all gamgebeli and mayors of self-governing cities are now directly elected. In this respect, it suggests also considering the election of regional governors;
7.2. expresses its concern about the provisions that allow for the impeachment by the local councils of mayors and gamgebeli on any grounds. The Assembly considers that the impeachment of directly elected local officials, as well as the grounds on which this can be initiated, should be clearly prescribed and circumscribed by law;
7.3. takes note that this law, which affects the election procedure in local elections, was adopted only a few months before local elections were due to take place.
8. The Assembly takes note of the numerous changes in local governments in Georgia as a result of local councillors and city officials resigning or switching sides following the change of power at national level. While resignations and switching between parties is part of the democratic process, it is unacceptable if it is the result of duress. The Assembly is therefore seriously concerned by credible reports that a number of these changes were the result of undue pressure on local United National Movement (UNM) activists by supporters of the ruling coalition. The Assembly is also concerned by reports of violent disturbances of the campaign activities of the UNM, allegedly by Georgian Dream supporters, as well as reports that a considerable number of opposition candidates in the local elections, mainly from the UNM, withdrew their candidatures, allegedly under pressure from the authorities. There can be no place for such actions in a democratic society. The authorities should take prompt and effective measures to immediately halt such action and remedy the situation where necessary. The leaders of the ruling majority should give a clear and unambiguous signal to their supporters that any undue pressure on local officials, and disturbances of the political activities of the opposition, will not be tolerated. 
9. The Assembly takes note of the large number of allegations of possible criminal conduct by former government officials during their tenure. At the same time, it is seriously concerned about allegations that the arrests and prosecution of a number of former government officials are politically motivated and amount to selective and revanchist justice. The Assembly: 
9.1. underscores that there can be no impunity for ordinary crimes, including – and especially – those committed by government officials and politicians, whether current or past;
9.2. calls on the Georgian authorities to ensure that the investigation and prosecution of former government officials are conducted impartially, transparently and in full respect of the principles of a fair trial, as enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights. It emphasises that not only should selective or politically motivated justice not take place, it should also be seen to be not taking place;
9.3. takes note of the charges filed against former President Saakashvili and, while emphasising that no one is above the law, urges the authorities to ensure that, given the charged political climate in the country, the legal proceedings, including requests for pre-trial detention, against him are not influenced by political motivations;
9.4. urges the authorities to investigate fully and in a transparent manner any allegations of improper conduct by law-enforcement agencies or the prosecution in relation to these cases;
9.5. considers that the introduction of jury trials for former government officials accused of having committed ordinary crimes is an important and positive step to help guarantee the impartiality of their trials;
9.6. taking into account the considerable tensions in the political environment created by these prosecutions, welcomes the suggestion by the authorities of a possible amnesty for all but serious crimes committed by former government officials;
9.7. expresses its concern about the length of the pre-trial detention of former Defence Minister Bacho Akhalaia and asks the authorities to use all legal means available to replace his detention on remand with some other non-custodial precautionary measure.
10. The Assembly welcomes the peaceful and calm conduct of the local elections on 15 June and 12 July 2014, which took place in an improved electoral environment. However, it expresses its concern about isolated violent incidents during the campaign period and about the allegations of pressure on, and intimidation of, candidates to withdraw their candidatures, which created a charged and contentious campaign environment.It calls on the authorities to fully, and transparently, investigate the reports of pressure on, and intimidation of, candidates to resign and, if violations are found, to prosecute perpetrators in line with the Georgian legislation.
11. The Assembly underscores the importance of an independent and impartial civil service. The alleged practice of hiring and dismissing civil servants on the basis of party affiliation by both previous and current governments runs counter to this principle and should be stopped.
12. The Assembly takes note of the large number of complaints filed by ordinary citizens with the prosecutor general for alleged miscarriages of justice and abuses of the justice system under the previous authorities, including forced plea bargaining, violations of property rights and ill-treatment while in prison. These allegations need to be properly investigated and, if need be, addressed. However, the Assembly wishes to underscore that any mechanism established to address these allegations should be a judicial procedure that fully respects the separation of powers, the independence of the judiciary and the obligations of Georgia under the European Convention on Human Rights.
13. The Assembly welcomes the law on the elimination of all forms of discrimination that was adopted on 2 May 2014 and which significantly enhances the legal framework for the protection of persons from discrimination. It takes note of concerns by civil society that the draft law would lack effective mechanisms to implement its provisions. The Assembly therefore suggests that the authorities conduct a comprehensive evaluation of the results of this law one year after its adoption, with a view to improving the effectiveness of the implementation mechanisms contained in it, if need be.
14. The increase of intolerant discourse and discriminatory acts against minorities, especially sexual and religious minorities, in Georgian society is of concern. The Assembly is concerned by the lack of effective investigation and prosecution of hate crimes against minorities. The authorities need to make clear that such behaviour will not be tolerated and that any perpetrators of violent or discriminatory acts will be prosecuted. There can be no impunity for such acts, irrespective of who committed them. All stakeholders, and especially representatives of political parties and institutions that hold high moral credibility in Georgian society, should refrain from divisive language and acts that could incite intolerance or deteriorate the situation of minorities. The Assembly welcomes the adoption by the Georgian Parliament in May of the new Human Rights Strategy and Action Plan.
15. With regard to the repatriation of the deported Meskhetian population, the Assembly considers that the repatriation programme has mostly focused on providing a legal repatriate status to the eligible applicants and not on facilitating the actual repatriation itself. In addition, the Assembly takes note of the long delays in the granting of citizenship to those who have received repatriate status. The Assembly therefore reiterates the need for a comprehensive repatriation strategy and in that context welcomes the adoption by the Georgian Government of a “State Strategy on Repatriation”.
16. The Assembly calls on the Georgian authorities to sign and ratify, without further delay, the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (ETS No. 148), which is an accession commitment of Georgia to the Council of Europe. Noting the misconceptions that exist in Georgian society regarding the Charter, the Assembly recommends that the Georgian authorities organise an awareness campaign, with the involvement of civil society and the media, targeted at the different stakeholders in this process, with a view to clarifying the provisions of the Charter and its requirements.
17. The Assembly expresses its concern about the systemic illegal surveillance of citizens by the Georgian law-enforcement agencies, which violates the country’s obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights. While welcoming recent measures to address this issue, the Assembly considers that comprehensive legislation is urgently needed to regulate data collection and surveillance by law-enforcement agencies. 
18. The Assembly takes note of the report “Georgia in transition” by the European Union’s Special Adviser for Legal and Constitutional Reform and Human Rights in Georgia, and former Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, Thomas Hammarberg, and supports its conclusions and recommendations, as well as those contained in his follow-up report.
19. Georgia has made marked progress in its democratic development over recent years, although it has been overshadowed by the arrest and prosecution of almost the entire leadership of the former government party and former high officials, which raises questions about the eventual use of the justice system for political purposes. It is now important for it to overcome the antagonism, polarisation and sense of revenge that are still present in the political environment and for political stakeholders to contribute constructively to the further democratic consolidation of the country. The Assembly stands ready to assist the Georgian authorities and Parliament in this work.
PACE Debates on Georgia - 02.10.2014, Civil.ge
After a heated debate on October 1 the Parliamentary Assembly of Council of Europe (PACE) adopted a resolution on “the functioning of democratic institutions in Georgia”, which was opposed by the ruling GD members of the Georgian delegation and supported by opposition UNM.
Initial draft of resolution was prepared by PACE’s co-rapporteurs on Georgia based on their report, which was part of PACE’s regular activity of monitoring how the country honors its obligations undertaken upon its accession to the Council of Europe (CoE) in 1999.
But the initial draft was revised after amendments, many of them pushed for by UNM opposition members of the Georgian delegation, were endorsed by PACE’s monitoring committee a day earlier and then by the Assembly session on October 1.
Many of those amendments made the draft more critical of the Georgian authorities than it originally was.
Michael Aastrup Jensen of Denmark and Boriss Cilevičs of Latvia, the two co-rapporteurs on Georgia, were strongly against of some of those amendments, arguing that the proposed changes were turning their “balanced” report into a “partisan” one.
“If amendments are approved it actually steals the report in a completely different way [from] what we were trying to paint in our report,” PACE’s co-rapporteurs on Georgia Michael Jensen said.
“I am quite saddened by that, because Georgia is a very polarized place… We tried to write a report that is somewhat balanced, but still addressing different issues that still are in Georgia. But if the amendments are approved… then it will also take polarization and partisanships that are in Georgia into our report in this Assembly,” Jensen said, adding that it’s “completely a shame”, because PACE should not be taking sides in Georgia’s internal politics, instead should “try paint a picture as correctly as it is.”
 While presenting the draft at the session, Jensen said that despite of problems, “all in all we see progress” in Georgia and another co-rapporteur Boriss Cilevičs said that Georgia is “on the right track, but there is still long way to go.”
He said that some of the commitments undertaken by Georgia while joining the Council of Europe in 1999 still remain unfulfilled. He noted cases of intolerance towards religious, sexual minorities and also said that although the government is condemning such cases, the authorities are not taking sufficient measures to investigate and prosecute perpetrators. Repatriation of Meskhetians, he said, remains a problem and ratification of the language charter is still pending.
‘Progress Overshadowed’
The resolution notes “marked progress” in democratic development over recent years in Georgia, but after one of the amendments was added, the adopted text also says that this progress “has been overshadowed by the arrest and prosecution of almost the entire leadership of the former government party and former high officials, which raises questions about the eventual use of the justice system for political purposes.”
 Members of the Georgian delegation from the ruling GD coalition were strongly against of adding to the resolution a paragraph calling for replacing lengthy pre-trial detention of ex-defense minister and former prison system chief Bacho Akhalaia with other non-custodial measure. In the resolution the Assembly “expresses its concern about the length of the pre-trial detention of former Defence Minister Bacho Akhalaia and asks the authorities to use all legal means available to replace his detention on remand with some other non-custodial precautionary measure.”
The issue of prosecution of former senior government members and now opposition leaders dominated debates, which preceded the vote.
Pieter Omtzigt, a Dutch lawmaker from the group of European People’s Party (EPP), said: “The fact that almost whole former government can in a little while hold a cabinet meeting in a prison cell somewhere in Tbilisi is quite worrisome.”
Tiny Kox, a lawmaker from the Netherlands, who chairs Group of the Unified European Left in PACE, said the fact that “so many former politicians are now in prison is a very bad signal.”
 Roger Gale, a British Conservative MP, who is a member of European Democrat Group in PACE, said that “the Georgian Dream has turned into a nightmare” and ex-PM Bidzina Ivanishvili exercises “power without responsibility” and called Georgian cabinet members “puppet ministers.” He also said that amendments, which were endorsed by the monitoring committee, were needed in order to “give this report some real teeth.”
 Echoing co-rapporteurs’ position, a Swiss lawmaker Luc Recordon from the Socialist Group said that many of the proposed amendments were “radically” changing the report prepared by co-rapporteurs and added that some PACE members, unlike co-rapporteurs, were rushing to conclusions without properly checking facts on the ground.
Georgian Dream lawmaker, Eka Beselia, who chairs human rights committee in the Georgian parliament, said during the debates that calling for change of Akhalaia’s pre-trial detention for non-custodial measure “will be considered as a pressure on the independent court.” “There is no political persecution in Georgia; it was in the period of Saakashvili’s [presidency],” she added. 
 UNM MP Giorgi Kandelaki, a co-sponsor of many of the amendments, said during the debates that proposed changes were endorsed by the monitoring committee with overwhelming majority and rejecting them would be “utterly inappropriate and not respectful” of the committee members.
“Government of oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili, who made his fortune in Russia, has been obsessed with the agenda of political retribution. By now this agenda has gone too far; Georgian democracy is backsliding,” MP Kandelaki said and called on the PACE to adopt the resolution with the proposed amendments because it would “help Georgia to slow down this democratic backsliding.”
“Ivanishvili is repeating path of [Ukraine’s former president Viktor] Yanukovych. Remember what Yanukovych was saying when he was prosecuting his opponents – that it’s ‘rule of law, I can’t interfere’. Ukraine’s experience showed that we must not buy these arguments, because they lead to disastrous consequences and we don’t want Georgia to explode,” he added.
‘Georgia’s Political Polarization Sweeps into PACE’
In his closing remarks PACE co-rapporteur on Georgia, Boriss Cilevičs said he disagrees with allegations voiced by some speakers that some former government members were prosecuted because they are now in the opposition. He said there are cases in which “credible allegations” exist and these allegations should be properly investigated.
He said that the PACE should not be telling Georgia not to prosecute someone just because a person was once a minister.
“Our mission is to follow that all the investigations, all the trials are held in full conformity with our own principles… and we wrote this in our draft resolution. When we notice violations, we speak about it and criticize our Georgian colleagues, but to say ‘no, don’t prosecute the former government in general’ – it’s politicized,” Cilevičs said. “Polarization is really harmful… We must do our best to help Georgia to overcome this polarization. If some superficial, not corresponding to the facts, amendments will be adopted today, it will not help Georgia, it will help some politicians and will deepen polarization, so this is why we, the co-rapporteurs, cannot agree with this.”
Another co-rapporteur, Michael Jensen, said: “We have a polarization in Georgia and this polarization has also swept into this Assembly.”
“I think co-rapporteurs’ work in this report is balanced, but we are also frank in our assessments and also in our proposals what Georgia should do. Therefore it is very important that two to three amendments… are being voted down, because if they are voted for, the report will stir in a completely different way and will be a partisan report,” Jensen said. 
Cilevičs voted against the amended draft of resolution and Jensen abstained; the resolution was passed with 103 votes to 27. 
The resolution “expresses concern over the widespread application of asset freezing to family members of opposition figures and former government officials in criminal cases not involving allegations concerning illicit assets.” The measure was applied in case against ex-president Mikheil Saakashvili. Co-rapporteurs spoke against inserting this wording in the draft, arguing that use of wording such as “widespread” in regard to this measure was factually incorrect.
Only one controversial amendment, which was expressing concern over ex-PM Bidzina Ivanishvili’s “reported interference… in the Georgian Government’s decision making”, was voted down.
There was a motion to send the report and the draft resolution back to the monitoring committee, but the proposal was rejected.
Minority Rights
The resolution expresses concern over “the increase of intolerant discourse and discriminatory acts against minorities, especially sexual and religious minorities, in Georgian society.”
“The Assembly is concerned by the lack of effective investigation and prosecution of hate crimes against minorities. The authorities need to make clear that such behaviour will not be tolerated and that any perpetrators of violent or discriminatory acts will be prosecuted,” reads the resolution.
“There can be no impunity for such acts, irrespective of who committed them. All stakeholders, and especially representatives of political parties and institutions that hold high moral credibility in Georgian society, should refrain from divisive language and acts that could incite intolerance or deteriorate the situation of minorities,” it says.
Several lawmakers from the Turkish delegation, as well as an Azerbaijani MP proposed adding to the text call for meeting “the demands of the Muslim community in the country for the construction of new mosques.” This proposed amendment was rejected by the Assembly.
PM to UNM: ‘Stop Partisan Struggle Against the State’
PACE was still debating on the draft resolution, when in Tbilisi PM Irakli Garibashvili expressed hope that the amendments, which were opposed by GD members of the delegation, would not have been added to the final text. He said that UNM, backed by its partner European People’s Party (EPP), “is very active there” at the PACE.
“Some amendments have been made [to the initial draft], but I think our delegation will respond to all the existing questions. Everyone should take into consideration reality that is in Georgia; the will of people has been expressed; we have different reality and I am sure [GD members of the delegation] will be able to demonstrate this reality as it is. I hope that – whether EPP or others – will not accept rumors and groundless allegations leveled by the [United] National Movement,” Garibashvili told journalists on October 1.
Next day, when commenting on the adopted text, PM Garibashvili said that there was no reason to make a stir because of this resolution. He suggested that it was passed because of EPP’s “solidarity” towards its partner party, UNM. 
“They [EPP] expressed solidarity towards the issues that were pushed for by the UNM. In fact there is no reason whatsoever to create a stir about it. If you have seen the main text of resolution, it speaks only positively… The wording that was made in reference to Akhalaia and Saakashvili – I do not deem it alarming. This is yet another attempt by the UNM to fight against its own state, its own people… This [resolution] is an expression of political parties [representing in PACE] and they [UNM] portrays it as if it is a call by the Council of Europe,”  
“These people [referring to UNM] now tell people that they have achieved adoption of an incredible resolution – they have achieved nothing. These people fight against the state… People know the reality… and they [UNM] are marginalizing themselves every day… Their reintegration into the society will be very difficult, so I call on them to stop this partisan struggle against their own state and people; what they are doing is damaging for the country; they fail to harm us by doing it, but they are damaging the state,” Garibashvili told journalists on October 2.
Giga Bokeria, a foreign secretary of the UNM party, said that PM’s such reaction was not a surprise. He said that Garibashvili’s rhetoric is similar to the one of “representatives of the authoritarian regimes, like Putin and others, for whom criticism from Europe amounts to state treason and action against the state, and who think that they are the state and fail to differentiate between the government and the country.”